hundred acres, payable in silver at 6s. 8d. the ounce, or its equivalent in wheat or corn. Payments began Jan. 1, 1796, but stood at half-rate till 1803. The rents when at the full were expected to afford an annual income of $640 on each moiety, and did not fall far short of that figure. About $3,000 were expended in making surveys and introducing settlers, and in roads, mills, etc., before any returns were realized. In 1807 a granary was ordered, built there to receive the rents.1

The correspondence with the Scotch society, begun in 1783, resulted in a partial re-establishment of friendly relations, but only after some two years' delay and the production of numerous proofs and certificates. Among the documents thus submitted, in December, 1784, were certificates from the officers of the State 2 and from the members of the Grafton Presbytery. The society at length announced that although "the late Dr. Wheelock had been rather rash in drawing on the society without permission, yet it appearing from satisfying evidence now received that the money drawn for was faithfully applied, . . . and communication with America being now open," the old protested drafts should be paid; and "while Mr. Wheelock and his successors continue to promote the original design by keeping up the School or Academy for education of Indian youth, and fit out missionaries among the Indian tribes, and the society receives

1 See pamphlet of 1807. For the charter see Appendix E.

2 To the Honorable Society in Scotland for Propagating Christian Knowledge in Foreign Parts:

From the best accounts which can be obtained, we have sufficient reason to believe that Moor's Indian Charity School, under the care of President Wheelock, has been attended with the singular smiles of Divine Providence, that Dr. Wheelock and his son and successor have been prudent and indefatigable in the management of it, and that the means for its support have been invariably applied with strict fidelity. And we do accordingly, with the greatest cheerfulness, recommend it as an object truly deserving encouragement and charity.

This paper was dated Dec. 25, 1784, and signed by Mr. Weare, President of the State, George Atkinson, Speaker of the House, and Enoch Hale, John Langdon, and Moses Dow, of the Senate (Memoirs of Wheelock, p. 204). The Presbytery certificate was signed by Samuel Todd, moderator; John Richards, of Piermont; Isaiah Potter, of Lebanon; William Conant, of Lyme; Lyman Potter, of Norwich; and Asa Burton, of Thetford. It testified to Wheelock's singular zeal and exertions in spreading Christian knowledge among the natives, etc., and certified that "from abundant evidence we are convinced that the moneys intrusted to his care were strictly and conscientiously applied, and have been of real benefit in promoting the kingdom of our common Lord."

satisfactory evidence of sums expended," they would continue to pay his bills, so far at least as the interest of the fund extends. But the accounts must be declared totally distinct from the expenses of Dartmouth College.

The President was accordingly allowed to draw for £625 sterling to cover a portion of the old balance, but further remittances were for the present postponed. In the same year (1785) the Board of Correspondents, discontinued during the war, was re-established in Boston, with James Bowdoin as President, Dr. Wigglesworth, of Cambridge, as Secretary, and Dr. Chauncey, still an active member till his death, which occurred soon after. President Wheelock was directed to submit the remaining accounts to them. In order to this, he applied, October 31st, to the Legislature of New Hampshire (referring to the large expenses of Moor's School and the outstanding debts, the absence of means of payment here, and the existence of the Scotch fund), and asked for the appointment of "some discreet, impartial, and understanding persons" near by, to ascertain the facts and certify them. This resulted in a resolve of June 28, 1787, directing the President and Council for the time being, as often as required, to appoint three reputable citizens, at the charge of the President, to examine and adjust the accounts in question.

The accounts, verified by a committee appointed by President Sullivan, were finally submitted to the Boston commissioners, in April, 1788, to their entire satisfaction, and with their approval drafts were made upon the society for the balance due, which were nevertheless, as on previous occasions, dishonored, and the commissioners instructed to review all the accounts of the School from the beginning, to determine whether it had been kept distinct from the College, and to ascertain what property the School had in America.

The attitude of distrust in which the society remained, notwithstanding all, was due in the main (as we now know) to an accumulation of unfavorable private advices from its American correspondents. Professor Wigglesworth had reported "that the principal part of the money collected in England was spent in procuring accommodations for the officers and English youth in Dartmouth College," and that the moneys in Scotland were in danger of sharing the same fate. Dr. Chauncey, with his

ancient venom, had written that "the Indian School since it was removed to New Hampshire has answered scarce any other end than to enrich the President's family, and that the Indians have received little advantage from it." And Mr. Hyslop: "I did some time before Dr. Wheelock's death look upon him as a designing man, and do not to this day think that the money collected in England and Scotland was ever applied according to the intention of the donors." Even Mr. Kirkland (who was, as early as 1792, proposing to the society to build up-in connection with his plans for the Hamilton Oneida Academy-a system of Indian schools somewhat after Wheelock's early methods) had written that there was "great reason to apprehend that the funds have been applied to the use of Dartmouth College." He stated that "only two Indians had been completed in their education since the removal of the School, one of whom died, and the other was unfit for the office of a missionary." But of course all this was unknown to Wheelock.

It now became necessary to define anew the relations of the School and the College. Whether or not the matter came definitely up at the annual meeting in September, 1788, does not appear, but there was at that time for some reason an unusual commotion in the board of trust. Professor Ripley's place had been vacant a year and a half. It was now filled by the election of Professor Smith. Mr. Jaffrey, the last of the charter members, resigned, as did also Samuel Phillips and two others (Messrs. Huntington and Hart) of recent appointment. The places of these were filled by Rev. Bulkley Olcott of Charlestown (a brother of Judge Simeon Olcott,1 who had come

1 Rev. Bulkley Olcott was the eldest son of Timothy Olcott, of Bolton, Conn., born Oct. 28, 1733; a graduate of Yale College, 1758; began preaching in Charlestown, N. H., in 1760; ordained and installed there May 28, 1761; and remained till his death, June 26, 1793 (Saunderson's History of Charlestown, p. 218). Simeon Olcott, younger brother of Rev. Bulkley Olcott, was the first lawyer in Charlestown, N. H., the first, indeed, in the Connecticut valley in New Hampshire. He was born Oct. 1, 1735 ; a graduate of Yale College, 1761; and settled in Charlestown prior to 1764. He was judge of probate under the Crown from 1773, and one of the side judges of the Superior Court of Vermont during the second union, from October, 1781, to Jan. 28, 1782; Chief-Justice New Hampshire Court of Common Pleas, Cheshire County, 1784 to 1790; Associate-Justice Superior Court, 1790 to 1795; and Chief-Justice of the same, 1795 to 1801; United States senator, 1801 to 1805; died Feb. 22, 1815 (History of Charlestown, p. 485).

Rev. Levi Hart was a graduate of Yale, 1760; died 1808, at. 69.

Rev. Job Swift was a graduate of Yale, 1765; he died 1804, at. 61.

into the board in 1784, on the death of Dr. Pomeroy), Gov. Peter Olcott, of Norwich (their cousin), and Rev. Job Swift, of Bennington, Vt. An attempt was made to retrieve the former error of excluding the chief magistrate of the State by electing in Mr. Jaffrey's place John Langdon in his official capacity as President of New Hampshire, but he did not accept the appointment.

At the same meeting, without any ostensible reason disclosed by the record, it was "Resolved that in the opinion of this board it will be unfit and improper that any officer of the College, the President excepted, should act as a member of the board in the determination of any question in which he shall have given his vote before in his executive capacity, or in which he shall be personally interested." Under the circumstances the only person to whom this vote could have had present application would seem to be Professor Woodward. Whether these proceedings had any connection with the schemes that were now forming, it is impossible to say. We only know that within two weeks after the meeting, under color of satisfying the doubts of the Scotch society, plans were ripened for confirming the family ascendency over School and College to a degree that had hitherto never been suggested. It was proposed in a draft, dated Oct. 3, 1788, that—

"Whereas doubts had arisen whether the School be not absorbed by the establishment of the College," that "to remove all doubts in future, 'application be made to the legislature of the State for an act explanatory of the charter of the College, clearly designating that the President of said School is of right President of said College, and that he alone hath right to apply for the purposes for which they are given the monies collected by Dr. Whitaker and Mr. Occom,' and all other monies, legacies, & bequests vested in his hands or the hands of the trustees of said College for the purpose of promoting Christian knowledge among the Indians, he accounting to the trustees for their application. . . . And as the President of said School is also President of said College, this Board esteem it expedient and proper that the President of said College and School for the time being have power to nominate and appoint his successor in that office in the same manner and under the same limitations as Dr. Wheelock had right and did appoint his successor in said office. And to prevent doubts in future in respect to that matter, this Board esteems it proper that an act be passed by the legislature of this State explanatory of the charter in that respect, and expressly vesting such power in the President for the time being."

This paper, as preserved, is mostly in the handwriting of Mr. Woodward, though we have reason to doubt if it reflects his

views. It is indorsed in the writing of President Wheelock, "Proposals respecting the connection of Dart. College & Moor's School, Oct., 1788," and on Oct. 3d, 1788, Mr. Burroughs certifies upon a careful consideration that some such plan is "absolutely necessary and best adapted for carrying into effect the original design of the School and College, to prevent any perversion of the design;" and to make it complete, proposed to add a declaration that "the board holds itself in duty bound to appropriate to the use of the School, to be applied by the President, an equivalent for what of the School monies had been laid out on the College lands." Here was struck, at this early day, the key-note of the conflict that culminated twenty-eight years later.

These important matters came before the board at a special meeting, Dec. 23, 1788; but no action was then taken beyond the appointment of a committee consisting of Rev. Bulkley Olcott, Gov. Peter Olcott, Professor Woodward, and Mr. Burroughs, instructed "to examine into the relation of the College and School, to designate the proper objects of each, to report the state of application of moneys designated by donors for particular objects, and to point out what measures are necessary, proper, and feasible to be taken by the board relative thereto." Of this committee we know to what views Mr. Burroughs was committed, and we have reason to believe that Mr. Woodward was not in harmony with them. The other two were recent appointments, and naturally fell in with the President's wishes. The committee reported in May, 1789, in a modified form, substantially to the effect foreshadowed by the "proposals" of October. But the board, apparently not prepared just yet to go to that length of subserviency, contented itself with the following resolutions, designed merely to meet the present emergency by smoothing the way to an accommodation with the Scotch society:

"Representations having been made to this board that apprehensions have arisen in the minds of some persons that monies collected in Great Britain by the Rev. Messrs. Whitaker and Occom, under the direction of Rev. Dr. Wheelock, have been applied by this board to the use and benefit of Dartmouth College

"Resolved, that this board have never had any control or direction of said moneys, nor have they to their knowledge at any time received or applied any sum thereof to the use and benefit of s College; but on the most critical