political institutions or recollections; little, besides the influence of race, to stimulate them. And in respect to the formidable project of a Germanic empire- where the influence of race has ever been intense - a fatal obstacle to the success of the scheme lay in what we term the nationalities of the different German States. The Prussian, or the Austrian, or even the Würtemberger, could not become a German and forget the friendships, the enmities, the traditions, the history, and renown of his former name. There was also a yet more serious obstacle, in the fact that a large part of Austria, and a less considerable portion of Prussia is Sclavonian, and could not be merged in a Teutonic nationality. Thus, in the two leading powers of the new empire, there were combined, against the project, both the race and nationality of some twenty millions of people.

We may refer, for illustration of this power of race, to the conflict between Denmark and the duchies of Schleswig and Holstein, as a conflict between the Scandinavian and Teutonic races, and also to the Hungarian struggle, which was complicated and embarrassed, perhaps defeated, by the jealousies existing between the Magyar and Sclavonian

races.

We ourselves are witnesses of the power of this spirit of race perhaps it may cost us more trouble than we have been accustomed to anticipate. Every one knows, how futile have proved the efforts to amalgamate the aborigines of our country with the European settlers of this continent. It is more than a conflict of barbarism and civilization. Furthermore, the sufferings and oppression of Ireland have driven to our shores the Celtic race; and how slow is the process of incorporation! Romanism is largely in fault, and recent events have shown that our people have been aroused by the plainly-manifested determination of the Romish hierarchy to maintain the entire separation of their subjects from the Protestant community. Still there is the conflict of races. The Celtic and the Saxon cannot preserve their distinctive characteristics, and harmonize; and our only ground for hope is the predominance of the Saxon element VOL. XIII. No. 49.

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to such a degree that, in time, the Celtic will become merged and disappear. But besides this, a strong sentiment of nationality, awakened by a community of interests, undoubtedly tends to weaken, and finally (and that at no distant day) to terminate the conflict between these two races. Now we remark, in view of the striking facts which have been adverted to, that, in any nation or state, where there are gathered different people, unless there be a strong and allpervading spirit of nationality, we cannot expect long-continued prosperity. The innate power of race will triumph over the weaker sentiment of nationality. This sentiment, so fresh, and vigorous, and universal in our land, it would seem, may counteract the adverse and (as some regard them) formidable evils which the influx, within a few years, of some four millions of a foreign population has introduced. But when, in our zeal for progress, we talk of annexing a new nation, and an entirely new people, a distinct race, to our already extended domain, it is a question which young America, perhaps, has not much thought of; but it is a grave question, which the history of the past, and the present aspect of Europe propounds: what will be the influence of still another conflict of races, on the harmony, and of course on the welfare, of this country? Mental and moral enlightenment, more than all, the all-pervading influence of a pure gospel, and, what must be thought of, and what we, as good citizens, must do our part to cultivate, a strong sentiment of nationality, may make us still one and, therefore, a strong people. The nationality of the Hungarians has preserved them a distinct people during the injustice, and intrigue, and perfidy, and oppression of the house of Hapsburg, for more than three hundred years. One of the Austrian emperors, Joseph II., attempted to incorporate them into the empire. His attempt failed. He promised to submit to the ceremony of coronation as king of Hungary, and he restored the regalia of Hungary; thus doing feigned homage to Hungarian nationality. The sacred crown of St. Stephen was received, at Buda, in the midst of universal acclamations and the roar of cannon, as the symbol of Hungarian nationality, to be

guarded, in the castle of Buda, as the palladium of the rights and national existence of Hungary. It may be remembered that this crown of St. Stephen, in the Hungarian revolution, disappeared, and that the reason alleged, by the Austrian authorities, for the seizure of Koszta was, that he knew where the crown was concealed.

We have said enough to illustrate the importance of the sentiment of nationality, as an element of national welfare. No nation has attained to distinction, or left a name to be remembered, which has not been pervaded by a strong nationality. National character cannot be developed without it. Imagine a nation of cosmopolites, such as the German Illuminati, in their folly, wished to form; a nation, the members of which have no common bond or sympathies. Individuals among them may do something worthy of themselves; but nothing great or noble can be produced by such a dismembered body. What national act of moment in the sum of human affairs, can proceed from that which has no unity, no concentration of purpose or effort; which, after all, scarcely exists or acts, as a nation? It has been observed, that no colony, a distant dependency of a great empire, has ever accomplished much in art or literature. In the political world, it is a mere cipher. No colony has ever reared a great poet, or artist, or statesman; and for the reason, that it has no distinct nationality. Everything of native growth, in such a dependency, suffers from a withering sense of inferiority. There is little to excite effort, because there is little to reward it. The strong sentiment of nationality, which soon sprung up in the bosoms of the American colonists, bound them together, and, by its rapid and healthy growth, overpowered or absorbed that older and fondly-cherished spirit of nationality which, as we know, long bound them to the home of their fathers; or rather, it supplanted what had been deeply rooted in their breasts.

Now what is this spirit of nationality? We have indicated some of its characteristics; what is the true idea of it? What is its nature?

It is not mere love of home. It may exist in those who have no home. Witness the Jews: homeless these eighteen

hundred years, vagabonds in the earth, a by-word and a hissing among the nations, the scorn of believer and infidel, exposed to the most remorseless exactions and the most relentless persecutions among every people; yet their spirit of nationality is as strong and steadfast as when their beloved city was the glory of the earth.

This nationality of feeling may revolve around various objects as its centre; as, in the case of the Jews, a common religion and a common destiny in anticipation, which have become inwrought in the conscience and whole being of the people; or a civil polity, consulting the interests and enlisting the sympathies of the people; or common danger and sufferings, a common oppression, may be the bond of union; as we have experienced in our own history. Whatever produces, in a people, a feeling of common interest and sympathy, begets nationality. Without, however, attempting a strict analysis of the sentiment, it is enough for our present purpose to say, that it is an instinct of our nature, implanted by our Creator, as truly, as love of kindred. It pertains to man as a social being. It is not the result of any social compact. The Indian, the Arab, the European, loves his own people, not because he has agreed to do so, nor even because it is for his interest to do so; but because he cannot help it. He loves them for the same reason that he loves his kith and kin: God has so constituted him. To be destitute of the sentiment, is as monstrous a violation of nature, as to disown one's children or one's parents.

So much for the true idea of nationality. It is the love of what one feels to be his own.

We now proceed to specify some of the circumstances and conditions which serve to enkindle and strengthen it. We have just said, that its foundation is an instinct of our nature. But it is of great importance to know what circumstances tend to develop it. The discussion may open views interesting and profitable to us as citizens. There is much empty declamation about love of country, even from those who, unconsciously it may be, in some of their movements are, in fact, doing all in their power to uproot that which

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nourishes true nationality. Every citizen, then, should form an intelligent appreciation of what best fosters that nationality of feeling, which is essential to the permanency of political institutions, and which is his pride and boast.

One source of national sympathy will probably at once suggest itself to every one; historical reminiscences, whether preserved by traditions or monuments, or historic records. Happy that people who can foster the sentiment of nationality by memorials of the bravery, the virtue, and the wisdom of their ancestors! They have a strong bond of union. An English poet declares it to be enough to satisfy the ambition of a common man, that he is the countryman of Wolfe, and speaks the language of Chatham. Says William Howitt, speaking of the influence and power of historic associa tions: "There is no part of England in which you do not become aware that, there, some portion of our national glory has originated. The very coachman, as you traverse the highways, continually points out to you spots made sacred by men and their acts. There, say they, was born or lived Milton or Shakspeare, Locke or Bacon, Pope or Dryden; that, was the castle of Chaucer; there, now lives Wordsworth, Southey, or Moore; there, Queen Elizabeth was confined, in her youth; here, she confined Mary of Scotland, in her age; there, Wicklif lived, and here his ashes were scattered in the air by his enemies; there, Hooker watched his sheep, while he pondered on his Ecclesiastical Polity; here was born Cromwell or Hampden; here was the favorite retreat of Chatham, Fox, Pitt, or other person who, in his day, exerted a powerful influence on the mind, or fortunes, of his country. Thus it is, all England through. Who," he asks, "shall not feel proud to own himself of its race and kindred? and, if he can secure for himself a moderate share of its common goods, be happy to live and die in it?"

"Who of us does not cherish the remembrance of our revolutionary struggle, rejoicing that he has descended from such a generation, and is a fellow-countryman of those who boast such a parentage? Who does not perceive a