mingham, sent men who represent the interests of the State comprehended in Classes I., II., III., IV., and V., as the rotten boroughs did? How are our great colonial interests, which are comprehended in Classes IV. and V.-and the well being of which is inseparably connected with the welfare of every other interest in the State now represented and protected? Having neither representation nor protection, they are left to the tender mercies of the Colonial Secretary, and the consequences of their desertion are too obvious to need comment. Nor can any blame be attached to the mobs of the metropolis, and of Manchester, and Birmingham, for returning members, doubtless very judiciously chosen to represent their interests, instead of those of the nation. But it is, surely, most unjust and most impolitic to consider theirs as the only interest in the State, or to deny to its leading interests all share in the representation.

Nevertheless, so far as the Reform Act proceeded merely on the principle of adjusting properly the mode of popular representation in those places where popular representation had already been established, but had not been generally or fairly allowed to all classes, its theory was undoubtedly correct and constitutional. It was, however, most erroneous and deficient in principle, if regarded, as many, though

perhaps not all, of its supporters deemed it, as serving to establish the theory that popular representation ought to be the only kind of representation in a State.

Having considered the defects in the new system of representation as regards the important advantages of which it has deprived us, we will next consider its evil consequences of a positive kind. The fairest illustration of the practical operation of the system established by the Reform Act, and which was exactly predicted by its leading opponents, is the impossibility of carrying on the government, except by espousing those measures, and those only, which are the most popular with the mass of the electoral body, instead of adopting those which are most needed by the exigencies of the State. The best apology for the Government is that the fault is not theirs, but that of the system under which we are living.

It is the same, therefore, now with regard to the measures of statesmen and of governments, as is ever more or less the case with the proceedings and projects of private persons, that certain particular plans are adopted, not because they are considered to possess the most intrinsic value, but because they are deemed the most sure of being carried into execution. A man determines on an undertaking, not because he thinks it the best

in itself, or prefers it to all others, but because he believes it is the one which he is most sure of accomplishing. So is it of the grand political measures which our patriotic ministries, of whatever party, are in the habit of propounding. In proportion, therefore, as any particular Government is vigorous, and influential, and is conscious of possessing the confidence of the country, may we expect that its measures will be really adapted to the exigencies. of the State.

The extension of the suffrage is, with a certain class of politicians, the one grand specific for all political diseases. As some quack pills are supposed to be alike and equally efficacious, (as is probably really the case,) whether apoplexy, or consumption, or gout, or the measles, or bruises, or the small-pox, be the calamity complained of; so the great political nostrum, the extension of the suffrage, is to cure all the complaints of the State, restore the agricultural interest, make trade pros perous, promote harmony in the colonies, and relieve the nation of its burdens.

Certain of the democratic reformers of the present day contend that the members of the aristocracy, who are represented by a separate legislative body, exercise too extensive an influence in the return of members to the House of Commons. It should, however, be recollected that it is the

influence of their property, not of their legislative power, which is so exercised, and which is altogether as legitimate an influence as is that of numbers, to which it is opposed.

But we have next to inquire, if the theory that numbers alone ought to prevail in the representation be not the correct one, how is the theory here contended to be the only true one, that interests and not numbers should predominate, to be carried out?

It must here be premised, and this appears to have been totally overlooked, that although the predominance of the numerical influence must inevitably destroy the various great interests in the State; yet the predominance of such interests, if fairly represented, cannot fail to conduce to the welfare of the people at large, who are all concerned and participate in benefits conferred on the nation. And if benefits are obtained, it little matters whether they are gained through the votes representing interests, or those representing numbers.

If the various great interests already enumerated are of the importance here supposed, their influence ought surely to predominate in the representation of the State. But how ought this to be effected? As regards the interest comprehended in Class I., or the religious and moral interests of

the State, there is little doubt that before many years Convocation will be restored in some shape or other to its full efficiency, which body alone is completely adapted to represent and to deal with this interest, and for which the House of Commons must now be acknowledged to be unfit. But even if Convocation be restored, this would in no way dispense with the influence of religion and virtue in the House of Commons, which is the real representative assembly of the nation.

Unless Convocation is allowed to exercise its entire functions, the clergy ought not to be excluded from the House of Commons, as they are the immediate representatives of the religious influence of the State. Whether the interests of the Church would not be better secured by a separate legislative assembly devoted to their discussion, and composed exclusively of its members, than by entrusting the House of Commons, in which those of all sects and parties of religionists are congregated, with those interests; and whether in Convocation lay as well as clerical members might not advantageously be admitted, are questions altogether beyond the present subject of inquiry.

Not only, however, would I allow to the clergy of the Established Church the just privilege of being represented in Convocation, and of having all legislative matters of an ecclesiastical nature