exclusively determined there; but I would also grant to the different dissenting bodies the privilege of having a representative assembly, by which the settlement of all questions affecting their religious opinions or privileges might be controlled and determined; or at any rate—which would perhaps be more satisfactory still-without whose sanction no law affecting them in this respect should be passed by the Legislature.

But although Convocation, with all its functions, should be fully restored, yet it does not even then follow, as a necessary consequence, that the bishops should be banished from the House of Lords, or that all denominations of believers and of unbelievers should be freely admitted into the House of Commons. Supposing, however, that Convocation would be the fittest, nay, the only fit, body to legislate upon matters purely ecclesiastical or theological, or which affected the rights and interests of the Church; admitting this to the fullest extent, -or that it might be as fit as the House of Commons is obviously unfit, yet there must still remain a variety of questions of a moral nature, and which are indirectly if not directly of a religious kind, with which the House of Commons will always have to deal. Indeed, it is very difficult to specify any single question or subject of legislation upon which morality and religion

have not either a direct or an indirect bearing. Hence, whether Convocation be established or not, the interests of religion and morality should ever predominate in the State, and be the leading and most influential in both Houses of Parliament.

The interests comprehended in Classes II. and III., or those of intelligence and learning, and of loyalty and order, might fairly be represented by allowing the different chartered, learned, and scientific bodies hereafter enumerated, to send representatives, as three of the universities already do. I would accordingly give members to these various public bodies, for whom those belonging to them should vote, either in their professional capacity or as individually constituting them.

The interest comprehended in Class IV., or that of wealth, is, as before observed, already represented in Parliament. The only danger is that its proper influence may be borne down by that of numbers. An efficient and direct representation of Class V., the professional and trading interest, ought also to be provided, which could be done by allowing the various institutions and incorporated bodies and companies connected with it to send representatives. This, indeed, appears to have been the object of the enfranchisement of many small boroughs in former times. The interest comprised in Class VI., or that of numbers alone,

should also have a fair representation given to it, the plan for which shall be considered presently.

In this

But it may be said that the interests of Classes II., IV., and V. are already represented in Parliament, and that this is effected even through the medium of popular constituencies. Thus, distinguished authors, East India directors, and directors of railways, as also leading professional men, are frequently returned for large towns. case, however, they are elected, not to serve the particular interest for which they are peculiarly qualified, but to serve one which is opposed to it; and their election is owing to some influence which enables them to counteract that of which they are immediately representative. It would surely,

however, be far more equitable and beneficial for these various interests that each should be legitimately and fairly represented, without encroaching upon the other.

Moreover, as representation in a State has several distinct and independent objects in view, so it follows, as a necessary consequence, that different principles, applicable to each, ought to regulate the different modes in which it is constituted. A man of wealth, who has also a great knowledge of commerce, may be a very efficient representative of the landed or trading interest of the nation, but at the same time very unfit to legislate upon

its criminal code. A magistrate or lawyer of great learning may be well adapted for the latter, but quite unfitted for the former. And yet only one principle as regards representation is applicable to each case. Wealth is equally the qualification for the criminal as for the commercial legislator, and the same class of constituencies return both.

Independently, however, of the enfranchisement of certain learned, professional, and commercial corporations, who should be allowed to send representatives devoted to the interests of those particular bodies; each person engaged either in any learned, professional, or commercial employment, ought to be allowed to possess a vote in respect of such an occupation, which would surely be as fit a test of his capacity properly to exercise the elective franchise, as his tenure of a house at a rent of 10. The 107. household qualification is an absurd one, inasmuch as it secures no real ability in the voter to exercise the franchise. So is it also of the 40s. freeholder, whose amount of property to confer a vote was fixed at a period when the value of land was entirely different to what it now is. Indeed, Bishop Fleetwood, in his "Chronicon Pretiosum," has proved that 40s. in the reign of Henry VI. was equal to 127. per annum in the reign of Queen Anne, which is probably equal to 247. in our day. Hence, the qualification of

an elector for a county was what would, at the time it was fixed, furnish a poor man with all the necessaries of life, and render him to a large extent independent.

The property qualification of voters for counties and towns should of course be varied so that the former may represent the landed interest and the latter the personal property in the country. And as it is proposed to confer votes independent of the possession of property, it would be desirable to place the property qualification higher than it now is, so as to render the members returned by those who vote in this respect due representatives of this interest. Thus the property qualification of a voter for a county should be an interest in land, whether freehold, copyhold, or leasehold, to the extent of 100l. above all charges. The qualification for a property vote for a city or town should be the possession of money, stock-in-trade, or other personal property, to the extent of 100. above all charges.

In order to effect the above plan, it appears requisite to abolish the present system of double voting, which is liable to many abuses, the second vote being too often given to please a friend or a customer, while the first satisfied the conscience of the elector. Indeed, the inconsistency and impropriety of the present system of double voting is