monument in Westminster Abbey to that General, who fell in the attack upon Ticonderoga in 1758. At this time, both Lord Howe and General Howe voted with ministers, and expected employment from them. Dr. Franklin endeavored to evade the challenge, but Mr. Raper being urgent, he consented at length to call upon the lady and test her ability in a few games. However, feeling the awkwardness of waiting upon a lady with whom he was unacquainted, he deferred his visit from week to week. At the end of the month, being again at the Royal Society, Mr. Raper reminded him of his promise, insisted on his naming a day, and offered to accompany him to the lady's house. Franklin complied.. He was struck with the excellent sense and agreeable manners of Mrs. Howe, played several games with her, and very readily accepted her invitation to a second encounter.

A day or two after this interview, David Barclay, a member of Parliament, a person of great note among the Quakers on both sides of the ocean, called upon Dr. Franklin to converse with him upon American affairs. The present measures, Mr. Barclay averred, threatened nothing less than civil war, and immense would be the merit of that man who should avert the immeasurable calamity. Dr. Franklin, he added, was the man who, from his knowledge of both countries, his great influence in America, and his known abilities, could do more than any one else to effect a reconciliation. Franklin replied, that he should be very happy to aid in so good a work, but he saw no prospect of effecting it. The Americans desired nothing so much as a just and friendly accommodation; but the ministry, so far from wishing a peaceful solution, seemed resolved upon forcing the colonists into rebellion, that they might have an excuse for wreaking a bloody vengeance upon them. Mr. Barclay thought he judged ministers too hardly; he felt sure that, at least, some of them would be exceedingly glad to be extricated from the American difficulty on any terms that should save the honor and dignity of government. He requested Dr. Franklin to reflect on the subject, and he would call again in a few days to converse further upon it. Franklin had no difficulty in promising to reflect upon a topic which had become the sole occupant of his mind. He again, however, expressed the opinion that no reflections of his could then be of any use.

Two days after, he received a note from Mr. Barclay; who said,

that on his way home from Craven Street, he had met their common friend, Dr. Fothergill, to whom he had communicated the substance of their conversation. Dr. Fothergill, he added, wished to join in their next conference, and desired it might take place at his house the next evening at five. The day named by Mr. Barclay was the one appointed for the chess party at Mrs. Howe's, but as the lady had invited him for the afternoon, he proposed to comply with both invitations.

He attended Mrs. Howe in the afternoon of December 3d. After playing," he records, " as long as we liked, we fell into a little chat, partly on a mathematical problem, and partly about the new Parliament, then just met, when she said, 'And what is to be done with this dispute between Great Britain and the colonies? I hope we are not to have a civil war.' They should kiss and be friends,' said I; what can they do better? Quarreling can be of service to neither, but is ruin to both.' I have often said,' replied she, that I wished government would employ you to settle the dispute for them; I am sure nobody could do it so well. Do not you think that the thing is practicable?' 'Undoubtedly, Madam, if the parties are disposed to reconciliation; for the two countries have really no clashing interests to differ about. It is rather a matter of punctilio, which two or three reasonable people might settle in half an hour. I thank you for the good opinion you are pleased to express of me; but the ministers will never think of employing me in that good work; they choose rather to abuse me.' Ay,' said she, they have behaved shamefully to you. And indeed some of them are now ashamed of it themselves.'

"I looked upon this as accidental conversation, thought no more of it, and went in the evening to the appointed meeting at Dr. Fothergill's, where I found Mr. Barclay with him.

"The Doctor expatiated feelingly on the mischiefs likely to ensue from the present difference, the necessity of accommodating it, and the great merit of being instrumental in so good a work; concluding with some compliments to me; that nobody understood the subject so thoroughly, and had a better head for business of the kind; that it seemed therefore a duty incumbent on me, to do every thing I could to accomplish a reconciliation; and that, as he had with pleasure heard from David Barclay, that I had promised to think of it, he hoped I had put pen to paper, and formed some

plan for consideration, and brought it with me. I answered, that I had formed no plan; as the more I thought of the proceedings against the colonies, the more satisfied I was, that there did not exist the least disposition in the ministry to an accommodation; that therefore all plans must be useless. He said, I might be mistaken; that, whatever was the violence of some, he had reason, good reason, to believe others were differently disposed; and that, if I would draw a plan, which we three upon considering should judge reasonable, it might be made use of, and answer some good purpose, since he believed that either himself or David Barclay could get it communicated to some of the most moderate among the ministers, who would consider it with attention; and what appeared reasonable to us, two of us being Englishmen, might appear

so to them.

"As they both urged this with great earnestness, and when I mentioned the impropriety of my doing any thing of the kind at the time we were in daily expectation of hearing from the Congress, who undoubtedly would be explicit on the means of restoring a good understanding, they seemed impatient, alleging, that it was uncertain when we should receive the result of the Congress, and what it would be; that the least delay might be dangerous; that additional punishments for New England were in contemplation, and accidents might widen the breach, and make it irreparable; therefore, something preventive could not be too soon thought of and applied. I was therefore finally prevailed with to promise doing what they desired, and to meet them again on Tuesday evening at the same place, and bring with me something for their consideration."

He met them, accordingly, and took with him a paper containing a series of "Hints for conversation" upon the terms which would probably produce a durable union between Great Britain and the colonies. These Hints embraced the points following: The tea destroyed in Boston Harbor to be paid for by Massachusetts; the tea duty to be repealed, and all duties received under it to be refunded; the ancient commercial system to be re-established; the colonies to be permitted to manufacture without restriction; all duties collected in the colonies to be paid into their own treasuries; custom-house officers to be appointed by the colonial governors, not sent from England; the colonies to grant no supplies to the

king in time of peace, and, in time of war, each colony to raise and grant its just proportion; no troops to enter any colony but with the consent of its legislature; Castle William in Boston harbor to be given up to the province, and no fortress to be built in any province but with the consent of its legislature; the oppressive acts relating to Boston harbor to be repealed, and a free government granted to Canada; judges to hold their offices during good behavior, and to be paid by the assemblies; governors to be appointed by the king, but paid by the assemblies; all power of internal legislation in the colonies to be disclaimed by Parliament; the late acts respecting the transportation of offenders to England for trial, to be repealed. In a word, Dr. Franklin demanded that Englishmen in America should enjoy the essential rights and privileges which Englishmen in England claimed as their birthright; claimed them both because they were just in themselves, and because they formed part of the compact between their fathers and the reigning family. The three gentlemen conversed long upon the Hints; the Englishmen objecting to some of them, not as unjust, but as not likely to be conceded; Franklin demonstrating the necessity of each.

"Having gone through the whole," continues Dr. Franklin, “I was desired to make a fair copy for Dr. Fothergill, who now informed us that, having an opportunity of seeing daily Lord Dartmouth, of whose good disposition he had a high opinion, he would communicate the paper to him, as the sentiments of considerate persons, who wished the welfare of both countries. 'Suppose,' said Mr. Barclay, 'I were to show this paper to Lord Hyde; would there be any thing amiss in so doing? He is a very knowing man; and, though not in the ministry, properly speaking, he is a good deal attended to by them. I have some acquaintance with him; we converse freely sometimes; and perhaps, if he and I were to talk these articles over, and I should communicate to him our conversation upon them, some good might arise out of it.' Dr. Fothergill had no objection, and I said I could have none. I knew Lord Hyde a little, and had an esteem for him. I had drawn the paper at their request, and it was now theirs to do with it what they pleased. Mr. Barclay then proposed that I should send the fair copy to him, which, after making one for Dr. Fothergill and one for himself, he would return to me. Another question then arose, whether I had any objection to their mentioning that I had been

consulted. I said, none that related to myself; but it was my opinion, if they wished any attention paid to the propositions, it would be better not to mention me; the ministry having, as I conceived, a prejudice against me, and every thing that came from me. They said, on that consideration it might be best not to mention me; and so it was concluded. For my own part, I kept this whole proceeding a profound secret; but I soon after discovered, that it had taken air by some means or other.

"Being much interrupted the day following, I did not copy and send the paper. The next morning I received a note from Mr. Barclay, pressing to have it before twelve o'clock. I accordingly sent it to him."

He soon received intimations that the paper had found its way to Lord Hyde, Lord Dartmouth, and, probably, Lord North. A rumor too was started in the city, that Dr. Franklin and Lord North had agreed upon terms of accommodation; which had the effect of recovering the public stocks three or four per cent. The proceedings of the Congress arrived, and they, too, greatly encouraged all reasonable men in the hope of speedy adjustment.

In the evening of Christmas day, he called again upon his friend Mrs. Howe. He relates the unexpected events which occurred on this festive occasion: "She told me as soon as I went in, that her brother, Lord Howe, wished to be acquainted with me; that he was a very good man, and she was sure we should like each other. I said, I had always heard a good character of Lord Howe, and should be proud of the honor of being known to him. He is but just by,' said she; will you give me leave to send for him?" 'By all means, Madam, if you think proper.' She rang for a servant, wrote a note, and Lord Howe came in a few minutes.

"After some extremely polite compliments as to the general motives for his desiring an acquaintance with me, he said he had a particular one at this time, which was the alarming situation of our affairs with America, which no one, he was persuaded, understood better than myself; that it was the opinion of some friends of his, that no man could do more towards reconciling our differences than I could, if I would undertake it; that he was sensible I had been very ill treated by the ministry, but he hoped that would not be considered by me in the present case; that he, himself, though not in opposition, had much disapproved of their con