charges brought against him in open Synod, and the truth of which he acknowledged, the bitter and malignant spirit all his speeches evince, his deplorable ignorance of the principles, which, with all the authority of infallibility, he anathematizes, the Procrustes propositions he brought, or will bring forward, all mark him out as the tool, or the leader of a party, who would bring back, if they had the power, those blissful periods of priestcraft, when the high behests of the minister were bowed to, as the dictation of God's Spirit,-when the laity had nothing to do, but to believe, or with the laws, but to obey them,-when the dungeon hushed objectors,—and the scaffold, or the stake, put a close to heresy! Unfortunately for Mr. Cooke and his adherents, they have been born out of due season. Their spirit is that of by-gone centuries; but they live in the 19th, and that makes all the difference. Mr. Cooke seems fond of sarcasm, and has perhaps read John Bunyan. If he has, he may possibly recollect his account of Pagan and Pope, who fixed themselves in the neighbourhood of the valley of the shadow of death, and most grievously annoyed the pilgrims, who, in the old time, passed through it; some of whom, fell victims to the accursed spirit by which Pope and Pagan were actuated, and whose bones lay bleaching in the winds of heaven, at the entrance to the unholy place, where once they dwelt. He may likewise remember, that as the story goes, Pagan was dead long long ago; and as to old Pope, though still in being, he was become so feeble and paralytic, that all he could do, was to sit at a distance, biting his nails, and grinning, and cursing the pilgrims, because they were out of the reach of his intolerance.

Mr. Cooke honoured us also with a portion of vituperation. The profundity of his research respecting the despatch and arrival of parcels-their directions and depository-was marvellous! "Amazing knowledge, vast and deep!" A fine subject truly, on which to harangue the Ministers and Elders of the North of Ireland! We thank him, however, for his advertisement of our Magazine, and at the same time pity the imbecility which marked his observations.

We are convinced our readers will have participated in the sincere pleasure we experienced, in the perusal of the speeches of the friends of Christian liberty, and especially that of Mr. Montgomery. It is truly a most eloquent tribute to the principles of pure and undefiled Religion. Even on the assembly to which it was addressed, it produced an effect for the time. That it was an evanescent feeling, must be attributed to other causes than those of argument and Scripture. We feel glad to record, that the leading remarks of Mr. Montgomery have been copied into almost every newspaper of character in Ireland; and that a separate edition of it has been published both in Dublin and Belfast, by the friends of Civil and Religious Liberty. This is as it should be. We cannot but regret, however, that its excellent author did not conclude it by a motion, embodying the great principles of Protestantism, and pledging the Synod to the Bible, and the Bible alone, as the standard of faith. Had this been done, the cloven foot of bigotry would have been more distinctly visible than even now it is; the

intolerants would have been shown forth as not deeming the Bible safe or sufficient, without the Westminster Catechism, and probably the scales of prejudice would thus have fallen from many an eye, that the cant of orthodoxy may now have hoodwinked. The division would then have been,-the Westminster Confession, or the Bible? On similar grounds, we would suggest, that the friends of intellectual freedom in Ireland, should no longer rest contented with the nickname of Arian, Socinian, or New-Light, but should adopt that which would be more strictly characteristic-BIBLE CHRISTIANS. Their opponents may, if they choose, still retain their name of Calvinist, Old-Light, Westminster Catechists, or Cookites!

We were disappointed in the conduct of one individual. We had read, and read with delight, his admirable sermon delivered before the Synod in 1826; and we were prepared to expect, that he, though a Calvinist, would have been foremost in opposition to any test being imposed on his brethren, and would have spurned the mental fetters, by whomsoever forged. We have been mistaken. We grant, that the Rev. J. Carlile of Dublin did speak against tests of faith, but he voted for the declaration; and for ourselves, we can see no difference in point of principle, between men being required to sign a test of faith, and their being called on to declare their belief in it. The imposition of the test is the atrocity. It is the setting up of a merely human standard of belief-it is substituting the Westminster Catechism, for the Bible, that we protest against it. Mr. Carlile, in the sermon we have alluded to, plainly stated, that there were differences amongst the members of the Synod; and the concluding sentence of the portion we shall quote, has unfortunately proved prophetic.

"It is matter of public notoriety, that we have amongst us, as a body, diversities of opinion respecting various parts of the Christian system, and some of them, as I conceive, of vital importance. And I confess, that, although my own opinions are as perhaps as fixed and as determinate as those of any of my brethren, it appears to me to be one of the peculiar beauties of our modification of Presbyterianism, that men may hold, and may express, different opinions amongst us, without exposing themselves to any attempts being made to injure them in their pecuniary interests. I shall probably carry along with me but a small proportion of the Christian public, when I exult in the liberty that we enjoy of declaring our sentiments unreservedly on all subjects, without any other apprehension than that of being convinced of error; and when I declare it to be the conviction of my deliberate judgment, that the compulsory measures that have been invented and employed by various ecclesiastical bodies, for securing uniformity of doctrine, have increased the evil which they were intended, and I doubt not honestly intended, to prevent. They have merely imposed silence on those who have held opinions different from the opinions of the majority; and have thus, by preventing them from expressing their opinions freely and publicly, and thus furnishing opportunities of examining them by the light of the Scriptures, driven them to propagate them in private, by hints, and insinua

tions, and sarcasms, and that too with a zeal proportioned to the restraints laid upon the public avowal of them. And these compulsory measures have farther prevented many of those who were subjected to them, from forming any settled judgment on subjects, the first aspect of which seemed to be unfavourable to the dominant opinions; and have induced them, rather to profess to believe as their church believes, without examination, than to bring themselves into the dilemma of either doing violence to their consciences by professing to believe doctrines, which, after investigation, they had found they could not believe, or to sacrifice their temporal interests. And thus errors, which, had they been brought to the surface by every encouragement held out to the free expression of them, might have been cured there, have, by this injudicious treatment, been thrown inward, to prey on the vitals of the system; and perhaps have left to that ecclesiastical body nothing but the lifeless carcase of a church, labelled with an orthodox creed."

Our readers may well inquire the cause of these contentions, especially that relating to Mr. Porter. We think the following brief summary, by George Ensor, the enlightened author of various admirable works, is pretty descriptive of the governing motive:

"The Academical Institution of Belfast, was intended to educate the Presbyterian ministers of Ireland. For some time, it obtained a Regium Donum of £1500 a-year. Government then required a stronger hold on its management. The negociators on the part of the Institution, were very conciliating-yet not enough so; and the ministerial chapmen declared it was no bargain. The market was opened again. Mr. Peel resisted, though vetos and interference were proposed, and with an anti-Irish insolence, characteristic of many Englishmen, he suggested that the Presbyterians might go to Scotland to be educated; and he would have sent them to his dear Oxford, if Church and State, like the janitors of Erebus, had not shut that sanctuary against all Dissenters. In this situation, it was proposed, that the Commissioners of Education in Ireland, should inquire into the merits and wants of the Belfast Institution. In due time, the Commissioners, whose motto is festina lente, did inquire; and some of these Commissioners, being right religious men, and fraught with theology and queries, began some pithy disquisitions on doctrinals. How superhuman is the faith of Church and State, when the civil Commissioners, under their auspices, act as nursing-mothers and grand-dams, to conserve orthodoxy among the Presbyterians of Ulster! Mark the consequences: the want of a Regium Donum, or annuity of a few hundreds, induced this inquiry; and out of the evidence before the inquisitors, arose the angry and contentious spirit in the Synod. The fact is obvious, and it is so reported by the speakers themselves. One said, "we have, to be sure, long agreed on minor matters; but we have kept the doctrines out of sight, lest we should bring shame on ourselves!" Another gentleman is still more explicit. "It was the first time he had ever heard of a body dead to its reputation and character; for we ought to use our best endeavours to stand well in the opinion of Government, from which we receive so great support! Indeed,

of late years, Government has paid more than ordinary attention to this body; and perhaps the examination of our Clerk, was in consequence of its anxiety to become better acquainted with us!" Here we have the supposed views and objects of the parties; yet, who believes that the English 'Government cares one atom whether the Synod of Ulster is Trinitarian or Arian? They know, that Presbyterians and Seceders cannot be friendly to Prelacy; and it can be no object, truly, to an episcopal government, whether the Presbytery of Antrim be increased, by reducing the Synod of Ulster."

Yes, we believe it is the Regium Donum which lies at the foundation of these disputes. We believe that our Lord and Master intended his religion to be totally independent of the Civil power. We think that whenever Christianity becomes connected with the State, its purity is sullied, and its nature perverted. But we have special reasons against the Regium Donum granted to the Presbyterians of Ireland. Its origin was bad, and its subsequent progress has been worthy its commencement. £600 a-year, was first given by Charles II., under the head of "secret service money." It was gradually increased, till in 1784, it amounted to £2600, and the terms of the grant were, "for his Majesty's service, and the good of the kingdom." The bounty or the bribe, as we deem it, was increased in 1803, and still continues, to £14970: 18: 10. The money is distributed in three classes, arranged according to the amount which the several Congregations subscribe as stipend to their Ministers. Those who raise the smallest sum, obtain £50, the next class £75, and the highest and richest societies have £100 per annum. If the object were strictly benevolent, we apprehend, this classification would be reversed; but if the intention were to procure good service to the State, and putting religion wholly out of consideration, certainly the present scheme appears most feasible. That the State is satisfied with the effects which its bounty has produced, we may conclude, on the authority of Mr. now Lord Plunket: "Some fifty years ago," observes his Lordship, "the Protestant Church of Ireland was much alarmed about the Presbyterians. They were considered all deadly enemies. What was done? The laws which imposed tests on the Presbyterians were repealed, and a provision was made for the Presbyterian Clergy. What was the consequence? Have the Protestant clergy of Ireland any better friends than the Presbyterians? None. We hear of no points of contention between them. In many parts of the North of Ireland, the people do not care to which church they go. It depends upon which has the best preacher; and they live in the most perfect harmony together." How those ministers to whom this description is applicable, for there are many highly honourable exceptions, will relish this compliment of the influence of government money upon their minds and conduct, at the expense of their principles and consistency, we know not; but we do know, that the reception of that grant is in direct opposition to all the grounds of rational Protestant Dissent. We are aware that it is contended, that if the Regium Donum were refused,

many Societies in the North of Ireland could not support a minister. We are prepared for the alternative. Better far, that these Congregations should expire, than that those principles of liberty on which they were founded, should be sold for a mess of pottage. But surely this might be prevented, by the wealthier congregations contributing to the support of their poorer brethren. At any rate, this forms not the shadow of an excuse for the richer places receiving the "thirty pieces of silver." That truly excellent man Dr. Richard Price, has exactly expressed our opinions on this subject. We feel pleasure in quoting the fact. “Being once applied to for his vote by the late Sir Edmund Thomas, when canvassing for the county of Glamorgan, and being offered that worthy baronet's interest to procure him the disposal of the Regium Donum among his brethren, Mr. Price immediately replied, that the best service Sir Edmund could render to him or his brethren, would be, to advise the King's ministers to discontinue a donation, which could only be regarded by every independent Dissenter, as the price of his liberty."

As Christians, and Protestant Dissenters, we protest against this alliance of Meeting-house or Chapel and the State; as inhabitants of Great Britain, we object to this distribution of the national money. Let those who want Government help, join their Episcopalian brethren. If Scripture and reason be too powerful to allow of their doing that, let them be consistent, practical Dissenters. When inculcating the principles of Christian liberty on the minds of their hearers, let no visions of Regium Donum check the hallowed aspiration unto freedom. Indifference to God's truth would soon disappear, if pecuniary chains were cast away. To accept the boon, and yet to be protesters against Church and State alliances, is weak, if not criminal. It would be sufficient to silence our advocacy of Protestant Dissent, could any one with truth say to us, You yearly receive a portion of the Regium Donum.

The meeting at Strabane is another illustration of the pernicious effects of ecclesiastical authority. When men are embodied in corporations, whether civil or religious, they too frequently are guilty of conduct, of which in their individual capacities they would be ashamed. We appeal to the testimony of history, whether Councils, Assemblies, Synods, ever yet were productive of good to the Church of Christ? They have made hypocrites of the fearful, and martyrs of the firm-they have corrupted Heaven's revelation, and destroyed human rights—they have dethroned Jesus, and usurped the prerogatives of the Almighty; but never have they established intellectual freedom, promoted man's improvement, or disseminated pure and undefiled Religion. The Synod of Ulter forms, we apprehend, no exception. Its late proceedings, especially, have only added another proof to the validity of the remark of John Milton, that "New Presbyter is but OLD PRIEST writ large!"

Whilst such are our opinions respecting the conduct of all ecclesiastical bodies, and of the Synod of Ulster, taken collectively, still we congratulate our friends, as we hope we may call them,