pain or terror: the first, calling to his aid the fires and torments of the future world, and practising on the natural dread of invisible powers; and the latter, availing himself of chains, dungeons, and gibbets in the present life. Through these terrible applications, man has, in all ages, and in almost every country, been made, in a greater or less degree, a slave and machine; been shackled in all his faculties, and degraded into a tool of others' wills and passions. The influence of almost every political and religious institution has been, to make man abject in mind, fearful, servile, a mechanical repeater of opinions which he dares not try, and a contributor of his toil, sweat, and blood, to governments which never dreamed of the general weal as their only legitimate end. On the immense majority of men, thus wronged and enslaved, the consciousness of their own nature has not yet dawned; and the doctrine, that each has a mind, worth more than the material world, and framed to grow for ever by a self-forming, self-directing energy, is still a secret, a mystery, notwithstanding the clear annunciation of it, ages ago, by Jesus Christ. We know not a stronger proof of the intenseness and nefariousness of the love of power, than the fact, of its having virtually abrogated Christianity, and even turned into an engine of dominion, a revelation which breathes throughout the spirit of freedom, proclaims the essential equality of the human race, and directs its most solemn denunciations against the passion for rule and empire.

That this power, which consists in force and compulsion, in the imposition on the many of the will and judgment of one or a few, is of a low order, when compared with the quickening influence over others, of which we have before spoken, we need not stop to prove. But the remark is less obvious, though not less true, that it is not only inferior in kind, but in amount or degree. This may not be so easily acknowledged. He, whose will is passively obeyed by a nation, or whose creed is implicitly adopted by a spreading sect, may not easily believe, that his power is exceeded, not only in kind or quality, but in extent, by him who wields only the silent, subtle influence of moral and intellectual gifts. But the superiority of moral to arbitrary sway, in this particular, is proved by its effects. Moral power is creative; arbitrary power wastes away the spirit and force of those on whom it is exerted. And is it not a mightier work to create than to destroy? A higher energy is required to quicken than to crush; to elevate than to depress; to warm and expand than to chill and contract. Any hand, even the weakest, may take away life. Another agency is required to kindle or restore it. A vulgar incendiary may destroy in an hour a magnificent structure, the labour of ages. Has he energy to be compared with the creative intellect, in which this work had its origin? A fanatic of ordinary talent may send terror through a crowd; and by the craft, which is so often joined with fanaticism, may fasten on multitudes a debasing creed. Has he power to be compared with him, who rescues from darkness one only of these enslaved minds, and quickens it to think justly and nobly in relation to God, duty, and immortality? The energies of a single soul, awakened, by such an influence, to the free and full

use of its powers, may surpass, in their progress, the intellectual activity of a whole community, enchained and debased by fanaticism or outward force. Arbitrary power, whether civil or religious, if tried by the only fair test, that is, by its effects, seems to have more affinity with weakness than strength. It enfeebles and narrows what it acts upon. Its efficiency resembles that of darkness and cold in the natural world, True power is vivifying, productive, builds up, and gives strength. We have a noble type and manifestation of it in the sun, which calls forth and diffuses motion, life, energy, and beauty. He who succeeds in chaining men's understandings and breaking their wills, may indeed number millions as his subjects. But a weak, puny race, are the products of his sway, and they can only reach the stature and force of men by throwing off his yoke. He who, by an intellectual and moral energy, awakens kindred energy in others, touches springs of infinite might, gives impulse to faculties to which no bounds can be prescribed, begins an action which will never end. One great and kindling thought from a retired and obscure man, may live when thrones are fallen, and the memory of those who filled them obliterated, and like an undying fire, may illuminate and quicken all future generations. [To be continued.]

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THE CHRISTIAN PIONEER.

GLASGOW, August 1, 1828.

THE Synod of Ulster assembled at Cookstown, on the last week in June. It was a memorable meeting. We cannot give all the proceedings; but those which relate to the establishment of as direful an Inquisition as ever was founded on the ruins of Mental Freedom and Christian Equality, we cannot refrain from recording.

Mr. Morell (Ballibay) rose to move the Resolutions. He said he would not detain the house with a recapitulation of the reasons which induced him to bring forward the motion he was about to propose, for the adoption of the Synod. These reasons he had before stated. He would now only say, that his object was, to secure peace and unity to the Synod of Ulster; and although he would sacrifice much for the obtaining of those objects, yet there were things which he could not give up, to obtain a temporary, but dangerous and insecure repose for this body. He could not give up his Bible-he could not give up his reliance for salvation on the Lord Jesus Christ, to procure this unity. He had heard an unfortunate expression yesterday, of a gentleman in that assembly, who had quoted the example of Jesus, in allowing Judas to remain with him, even when he knew he was about to betray him into the hands of his enemies; but if that gentleman found the example of Judas a good illustration of the situation in which that gentleman stood towards the Synod of Ulster, it is not to be

expected, he (Mr. Morell) would pin his faith on his sleeve. Mr. Morell then moved the following Resolutions:

1. "That many of the evils that now unhappily exist in the Synod of Ulster, have arisen from the admission of persons, as preachers of the Gospel, who are ignorant of the Truth as it is in Jesus, unrenewed in the spirit of their minds, and, consequently, destitute of that zeal, which is necessary for the dissemination of the Gospel of Christ.

2. "That while we are individually bound to use all Scriptural means to guard against the continuance of these evils, it is also our duty, as a Church, to adopt such regulations, as may, with the Divine blessing, prove effectual to prevent the introduction of Ministers unenlightened by the Spirit of God, and to advance spiritual religion in our Church courts and congregations.

3. That before any person be recognised as a candidate for the Ministry in the Church, he shall be enjoined to present himself at an annual meeting, previously to his entering a theological class, before a Committee of the Synod, who shall examine him respecting his personal religion, his knowledge of the Scriptures, and especially his views of the doctrines of the Trinity, Justification by Faith, and Regeneration by the Spirit; and his motives for offering himself as a candidate for the sacred office of a Minister of the Gospel.

4. "That Students, after having finished their theological course, and their trials in the Presbytery, shall again present themselves for a similar examination before the same Committee; and it shall be the duty of that Committee to ascertain their soundness in the Faith, by requiring from them a statement of their views of the doctrines contained in the Westminster Confession of Faith.

5. "That if any person thus licensed, shall afterwards be found not to preach the doctrines of the Gospel of our Lord Jesus Christ, or to avow any principles in opposition to those doctrines, he shall not be continued in fellowship with the Ministers of this body.

6. "Should any person be licensed or ordained in opposition to the above regulations, such license or ordination shall not be deemed valid by this body.

Mr. Carlile moved, that the resolutions be adopted. On various grounds, he approached the subject with deep feeling, and, in the outset, he acknowledged the difficulties that surrounded him.He was placed amidst so many conflicting elements, that he was scarcely able clearly to see his way. He had not his own individual views to consult on this occasion, and he could not bring forward that which he would in all respects approve. He did not like the public agitation of such a subject, lest it should put a stop to the operations of an amending and purifying principle, which had for some time been abroad in the body. He would not have gone so far as those resolutions, but he must concede a good deal to the views of others; and as all that could be substantially required, was found in them, others, as well as he, should concede something. He liked the proposed plan, because it did not go to amend the state of the body by any specific act; for he could not conceive a regulation by which a body could make itself pure. Should a division of the Synod take place, he could not pretend to say which side would be the purer-those who retired, or those who staid. Like, he would not say an able, but a wise tactician, he had been preparing a retreat from the difficulties with which the body was threatened-a mode of keeping up the house before it came tumbling about his ears. He liked a gradual re

formation, and he would leave the actual reformation in the hands of the Spirit of the Great God. The proposed resolutions went no farther than an appeal to the innate power of truth, and there they left the matter. But he also approved of them, because they were impartial. They did not affix a stigma on any particular body; but acknowledged generally that there are evils in the Synod, arising from past laxity. Though Arians may suppose that they are particularly referred to, yet, for himself, he did not specifically refer to them. There was more to lament on the side of the Orthodox themselves, and he more deeply deplored the corruptions on that side, than those on the side of the Arians.

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far as he was concerned, he understood them to contemplate corruptions in general, though others might attach to them a more specific application. They seemed simply to recognise, what was an incumbent duty, independently of any code of discipline, viz. that in our public and private capacity, we should endeavour to ascertain the Christian character of every man who offers himself as a candidate for the ministry, and to resist the introduction of every one whose character and principles are doubtful. The first inquiry is, whether the individual be a Christian; and, secondly, whether he is qualified for the ministerial office. The Synod were bound to this, both by the Word of God and the reason of the thing. The reason why he can sit in the same church court with Arians, is, that by the constitution of the body, he can freely bear testimony to the truth. Were it an understood thing, that he should acquiesce in measures, merely because they had been voted by a majority, he could not for a moment longer be connected with it; but because he had the privilege of withstanding error, on that ground he could sit and deliberate in ecclesiastical affairs with any body. The scriptural phrases about withdrawing from heretics, and "coming out from among them," had been often brought forward, and as regularly misunderstood. He comes out from Arians when he testifies against them, as he comes out from the world when he testifies against its practices, though he may be living in the midst of it. It was not by changing his locality, that this command of God was obeyed. Conscientious Arians might regard themselves as bound to bring into the Synod men of their principles, as well as we. This he would not expect an Arian to give up. Observe, then, how the plan will work: A person appears before a Presbytery, and both parties are bound to act upon the same general principle. On examination, the Orthodox party come to the conclusion that he is not a Christian, or that his views do not coincide with those which they can sanction. Of course, they endeavour to keep him out, while others are equally anxious to keep him in. Suppose that he is licensed to preach, the Orthodox are bound to protest, and, if necessary, to report the matter to the Synod. In case of an Orthodox candidate, the Arians are bound to do the same. Hence, young men would take their certificates either from one side or other of the Presbytery, and, consequently, it would be known at once what were the views of the licentiate. For his own part, he would not, in the present state of the Synod, give any thing for the re

commendation of a Presbytery. He had rather take a single letter from a júdicious friend, in attestation of a Minister's char acter, so long as Arians and Trinitarians are playing into each other's hands. Those congregations who wish for an Arian Minister, will look to one side of the certificate, while those who think differently, will regard the other. It might be objected, that this would produce a warfare all over the country; but there must of necessity be a warfare-a perpetual struggle between light and darkness. He did not mean by these expressions, to convey any offensive sentiment, but just to elucidate the fact, that the parties would be constantly opposed to each other. He hoped, that by a faithful discharge of their duty, the places of the Arians would be filled up with Orthodox men: he did not conceal his wish that it should be so; but of one thing he was certain, that a human test was not the way to do it. Another objection was, the holding of ministerial communion with men of contrary sentiments: but whatever was the meaning of the objection, he either did not understand it, or did not concur in it. Communion in Scripture, means a communion of spirit and affection. He had no difficulty, for instance, in holding communion with Mr. Montgomery in money matters, or in ordinary business of the Synod. But, in propagating the Gospel, he could not hold communion with any of the Orthodox, who was a worldly-minded man-with one who was intent on the accumulation of wealth, and who would give £10 or £20 to the service of Satan, while he would with difficulty dole out some 5s. to promote the cause and work of God. With such a man he could not hold communion.

Another ground that was set up, was, that there was no standard for this body but the Word of God. The Christian Church was bound to set forward the Sacred Scriptures as the only book that contains rules of faith. It was said, we must have some de finition of what the Scripturés mean. He did not think so; he had again and again sought for the grounds of this assertion in the Bible, but he had sought in vain. He saw there nothing of the sort, and he could not conscientiously accede to it. If a man professes to believe the Bible, he ought to be received. On that profession, he could recognise him as a Christian; but without examination of his life and character, he could not recognise him as a Christian Minister. This was the simple mode pursued in primitive times. We are to judge of him by our own conceptions of what the Bible requires; but there was no criterion by which one part of the Synod could be set apart as Christians, and the others not. That must be determined by the whole temper, and spirit, and character of the man. Instead of setting up logical men, to make a creed or code of laws out of the Scripture, the Scripture itself should be our creed. To it we should constantly refer, and, instead of bringing with us our codes of discipline, we should bring our Bibles; and till we do this, we shall never attain the character of a Scripture Church. Instead of suspending over those to whom the examination of our young men is entrusted, the terrors of the Church, we should declare, with the Bible in our hands, whether they have done their duty or not. Church