race of Diffenters are defcended alike from both, and ve were responsible for the conduct of our ancestors, it ought not to be imputed to us as a body, but only to a small part of us. Befides, the Independents of that day did not behead the king from any principles peculiar to their religious perfuafion. Cromwell, and the reft who joined him in that action, would have cut off the king, whatever had been their religion or his. They confulted not their religion, but their fafety and their ambition. And in all these measures the Independents were joined by the Deifts, and men of no religion at all. It can therefore only answer the purposes of fallion and of bigotry, and by no means that of truth, to accufe the Diffenters of putting king Charles to death. Had it been confidered as an action highly meritorious, I doubt not, our pretenfions to it would be far enough from being admitted. If you read any hiftory of England whatever, you will find this to be the truth of the cafe, though the very reverfe is more than infinuated by Mr. Madan, and he may have. authorities unknown to all the world befides. But then he ought not to affert what he has done without producing them. Without this he has no right to expect that the fettled principles and conviction of HIS heart should become those of YOURS. Mr. Madan, however, having got his hiftorical and political principles from fome fource or other, is pleased to affert, p. 8, as a general maxim, that "the prefbyterian "principles are unquestionably republican." As he calls it unquestionable, I imagine he has never queftioned it himself, or made any inquiry into the foundation of it; but as you are not bound to adopt his principles without questioning, or examination, let us fee how they accord both with the hiftory of former times, and with the present state of things, which Mr. Madan, though he may fhut his own eyes, cannot conceal from you. At the time of the civil wars, or, as Mr. Madan will fay, during the grand rebellion, the Scots were unquestionably Prefbyterians, Prefbyterians, if ever there were any fuch people in the world. But though they joined the English till the king was effectually fubdued, they remonstrated against putting him to death; and when, after this, England was governed by a republic, the Scotch Prefbyterians, whose principles Mr. Madan fays were unquestionably republican, were fo attached to monarchy, that they not only received Charles II. and made him their king, but, in order to affift him in recovering what they deemed to be his right, they marched an army into England, but were defeated at Worcester, as every person who has read the hiftory of England well knows. Where then, is the evidence from history of the principles of Prefbyterians being unquestionably republican? Mr. Madan, however, afferts this to be the fettled conviction of his heart, and therefore he muft either have read fome other hiftories of England, or none at all. Let us now see whether it appears from the prefent flate of things, that the principles of Prefbyterians be, as Mr. Madan afferts, unquestionably republican; and for this purpofe let us look towards Scotland; and whether Mr. Madan be acquainted with the fact or not, it is well known to others, that prefbyterianifm is as much the established religion of that country, as epifcopacy is of this. Now, are the Scots. at all fuppofed to be inclined to republicanifm, or have they ever been accused, even in the greatest violence of party, of difaffection to the prefent government, or of any want of attachment to the prefent royal family? On the contrary, the only people difaffected to government in Scotland, those who joined the Pretender in that country were Episcopalians, and very few of them Prefbyterians*. * A few, but not many, Scotch Prefbyterians, men of defperate fortunes, joined the late Pretender. Of the English Diffenters, I believe, there was not one that took his part. In the first rebellion Mr. Wood, the diffenting minifter at Chowbent in Lancashire, took the field himself at the head of his congregation. In the fecond the members of my former congregation at Leeds were regularly exercised, and prepared to march. One of my uncles, who had been a captain in the army, was an officer. When the rebellions were fuppreffed, thefe friends If Mr. Madan's maxim be true, that the principles of Prefbyterians are unquestionably republican, no nation of Prefbyterians would ever have had a king, except one that was forced upon them. But the Scots always had kings, and as much of their own choice, as we in England. In all the civil wars, during the time of Mary Queen of Scots, it does not appear that they ever thought of abandoning monarchical government, and erecting a republic. While Mary was a prifoner in England, they made her fon their king. That king became afterwards king of England, and they have been the defcendants of this prefbyterian king, who have reigned in this epifcopalian country, from that time to the present day. Let us now confider a little the conduct of the Scotch lords and commons fince the union of the two nations. Are they more hoftile to monarchy, and the measures of government, than the English members of parliament? The contrary is generally fuppofed. For though many English lords and commoners oppose the measures of government, there is hardly an example of any Scotchman, either lord or commoner, ever doing it. And yet Mr. Madan, ignorant, I fuppofe, of all this, will have it that the principles of Prefbyterians are unquestionably republican. Mr. Madan will perhaps fay that he meant the Presbyterians in England, exclufive of thofe in Scotland. But originally they were the very fame; and till long after the time of Charles I. in which he charges them with maintaining republican principles, there was no difference whatever between them; and whatever Mr. Madan may think, the friends of the family upon the throne (unquestionably Republicans, as Mr. Madan, who was not then born, says they were) were graciously pardoned for what they had done. In cafe of a third rebellion, I myself would undertake to raise a company of young men in my prefent congregation, able and willing to defend his present majesty, though he might not be fo ready to pardon us for fo doing. It is not the man, but the king, and the present reigning family, as an effential part of the conftitution, for which we should fight, English English Presbyterians at this day are no more attached to a republican government than those of former times, or those in Scotland; and I challenge him to produce any evidence of his confident affertion. That fingle fpeculative men, Presbyterians or others, may give the preference to that mode of government in theory, is not the question. Mr. Hume evidently had a predilection for it; but was he therefore discontented with this government, or in the least difaffected to it? There never was a more obedient subject. But the Diffenters, as a body, have never fhewn any preference of a republican government; though it is easy to affert this, or any thing elfe, in order to throw an odiumn on those whom we wish to render generally obnoxious. In fact, Mr. Madan might with as much truth fay, that all Presbyterians are Negroes*, and that we paint our faces and hands, in order to conceal it, as maintain that we are republicans. Let him, or, fince he will not, do you, read my own writings of a political nature, viz. my Essay on the first Principles of Government, or Dr. Price's Essay on Civil Liberty, which are generally confidered as the boldest, and the most exceptionable, of any thing on the subject in the English language; or look into my Lectures on Hiftory and General Policy, in which I particularly confider all the forms of government, and weigh their advantages and defects, and fee whether you can discover any traces of a preference for republican government. On the contrary, you will * In the famous contefted election at Bristol between the late Lord Nugent (as he afterwards became) and Mr. Beckford, his Lordship told me that he gained his point with the populace, by his friends afferting that Mr. Beckford (who had an estate in Jamaica, and, as I remember, was at that time there) was a Negro, and the popular cry on his Lordship's fide was "No Negro; no woollen hair.' They had even (as I think he added) a painted figure of a Negro with fuch hair carried about the streets. When I asked him how his friends could affert such abfurd falsehoods, he replied that all was fair at an election. Mr. Madan may perhaps think it equally fair in the prefent contest, to call the Diffenters republicans, but then he fhould not have declared that what he afferted was from the fettled principles and conviction of his heart, as he hoped for mercy from the God of truth. This was much farther than Lord Nugent went. there there find a decided preference given to our own, and perhaps as good reafons for this preference as Mr. Madan himself is able to give. What then muft you think of fuch calumny as he, in this random inconfiderate manner, and yet with fuch uncommon folemnity, has thrown out. The truth is, that we Diffenters are friends to a limited monarchy, in which a king may do much good, and can do but little harm, whereas the clergy in general have always had a leaning to a more arbitrary form of government, in which the king fhall have much to give, and themselves as much to receive. Hence their deep rooted attachment to the family of the Stuarts, and ours to that of Hanover. It is well known that the clergy in general were never well affected to what is ufually called government, but generally opposed the measures of the court, in the reigns of king William, and thofe of George I. and George II. while the Diffenters, out of gratitude for the liberty they enjoyed under them, went perhaps too eagerly with the court, and abetted with too little diftinction the measures of govern ment. Now it has unfortunately happened, that another king is arifen, who knoweth not Jofeph, or the obligations that his family are under; a prince who, with the best intentions, has the truth hidden from him by churchmen like Mr. Madan, who, without reminding him that the Diffenters were the steadieft friends of his grandfather, and great grandfather, will perfuade him that they are his enemics, and wish to overturn his government; and we have not the fame access to him that they have, and fo have no opportunity of informing him better. And though he should give us a hearing, his attention has been pre-occupied by fuch men as Mr. Madan, who have told him that our declarations are not to be trusted. But, my generous countrymen, we think it cur happiness that we have access to you, and perhaps finally, through you, to the king himself. Before your tribunal I arraign Mr. Madan, of evil speaking and calumny; and whether it be intentional, or not, the injury |