d for the pafchal full moon.- -But after their difperfion, when the abovementioned obfervations of the moon's first appearance could not be made by publick authority, they had recourse to the cycle of 84 years beforementioned; and laft of all, Rabbi Hillel, about A. D. 360, inftituted a cycle of 19 years, confifting A of 7 intercalated years of 13 lunar months each, and 12 common years of 12 fuch months each, by which cycle they have ever fince fix'd their new moons, (at which all their months begin) and confequently their paffover and other feafts in every year. And as this cycle is now in use with them, it feems neceffary to compare our aftronomical calculations therewith (at least whenever the pafchal full moon happens on a Saturday) if we would avoid confounding our pafcha with theirs: For tho' this form of their year, as Dr Prideaux obferves, be very exactly and aftronomically contriv'd, yet it may fometimes perhaps fix the new moons different from the true times found by astronomical tables. But this must be left to the determination of those who have opportunities of examining more C particularly into it; in order to which the above quoted author refers to Lewis de Veil's Latin tranflation of Maimonides's Kiddush Hacbodefb, published under the title De Confecratione Calendarum. See preface to Prideaux's Connection. Vol. I. B D I fhall only observe farther, that tho' by following the 2d rule before laid down relating to the Saturday's full moon, we fhall fometimes celebrate Eafier a week later than the church of Rome, and it may be, as much later than the German proteftant churches (for I know not what they have determined in this particular cafe) yet it fhould be obferv'd we thall hereby only recede from what the ancient church thought, and they themselves confels, to be an error. It were to be with'd, indeed, that the Nicene fathers had not fo ftrenuously infifted on always poftponing the pafchal feaft 'till after the Jewish paffover; but as they were ftrict in their decrees concerning it, and thofe decrees have been ever fince generally receiv'd throughout chriftendom, it now becomes neceffary to continue the obfervation thereof, if on no other motive but for the fake of F unity. Exon, March 11, I am, ut fupra, P. S. Some time fince I had finished the foregoing obfervations, &c. I was not a little pleafed to find by the news-papers that there has been fome talk of reforming our calendar this G feflion of parliament: Which gives me hopes, that as We were the laft that receiv'd the erroneous Metonic cycle (after a contest between the Saxons and Britons, &c. which lafted 'till the 9th century) and muft be the last to reform it, fo it may be the glory of our nation to compleat this long wifh'd-for reformation, by correcting all the errors of former reformers. Mr URBAN, Shou'd not have given you rhe trouble of I heating from are again, nor have taken up H another column in your Magazine, to the exclufion of fome more valuable effay, had not your ingenious correspondent advanced a very fingular notion: A notion, which requires fome more fatisfactory proof than a bare affertion, in order to gain it the credit at least of one of your readers. I have faid, It is a fundamental maxim in phyfics, that no new fpecies of animals has been originated fince the clofe of the great creating week. And I fee no reason to recede from my opinion. Because, I prefume, all the fyftems of natural knowledge pay fo profound a deference to the scripture, as to admit whatever is contained in that divine book, for a truth of unquestionable authority, of infallible certainty. And you cannot be ignorant, that the infpired hiftorian exprefsly fays, That on the feventh day GoD ended bis work, and refted from all bis work. As to what is suggested with reference to the fucceffive creation of immaterial fubftances, or rational fouls, I hope, Mr E. B. does not think, and, I fancy, he will not undertake to maintain, that this is the production of a new species. If, indeed, this can be done, it will be owned a very furprizing inftance of argumentative dexterity; not, the fact does not bear the least contrariety to the fentiments of my letter. if I can But in oppofition to what I laid down as an axiom, the gentleman proceeds to observe, that thorns and thistles were created, after the period affigned in the above-mentioned texts for putting the finishing hand to univerfal nature. Now, not to remind him, that by this attempt he would make the oracles of revelation contradict themfelves, and in the compals of two chapters fay and unfay the fame thing, I fhall only take leave to afk, in what part of the facred writings this account is recorded? find no fuch narration, nor any fuch hint, in the whole procefs of the mofaical hiftory. Is my edition of the bible faulty, and has any 6miflion of the printer led me into a mistake? Or is our tranflation unfaithful, and the circumstance related in the original, though not preferved in the verfion? I am apt to conclude, that it is neither the one, nor the other. And, therefore, till convinced by fome pretty forcible arguments, muft declare myself, in this particular, a fceptick. In the third of Genefis, I read this threat. ning denounced by the righteous judge on fallen man, Curfed is the Ground for thy fake. Thorns alfo and thiftles fhall it bring forth unto thee, i. e. according to my apprehenfion of the meaning, It fhall bring them forth with a fpontaneous growth; bring them forth, not fcantily, but copioufly; not in a few places only, but almost every where. Infomuch, that it fhall coft thee continual toil, and demand an unremitted application, to keep thy fields, thy gardens, free from these noxious embarrafments, and fit for the purposes of useful culture.But does this amount to a creation? Is it all one, to make thefe obftructions to fertility, and diffeminate them when made? Surely, Mr Urbar, thefe differ as widely, as your difper See p. 78. fing State of the Spaniards in America. fing the contents of this ticket from the prefs, differs from my fitting down and penning them in my study. Had not this ftrange tenet in the gentleman's letter fo greatly wanted either confirmation or alteration, I should have dropt all farther en A quiry concerning the contested animal; and have been content, that as he has the honour of difcovering it, fo he fhou'd have the privilege of keeping it, unfhared and unmolested, to himself. From the LONDON COURANT. A. B. Confiderations on the State of the Spanish B Y a long feries of mifmanagement, ; fairs into fo wretched a fituation, that they neither have, nor can have, any great benefit from their vaft dominions in America. They are faid to be the ftewards of the rest of Europe; their galleons bring the filver into Spain, but neither wildom nor power can keep it there. In runs out as faft as it comes in, nay, and fafter; infomuch that the little canton of Bern is really richer, and has more credit, than the king of Spain, notwithstanding his indies. At first fight this feems to be strange and incredible but when we come to examine it, the myftery is by no means impenetrable. The tilver and rich commodities which come from the Indies, come not for nothing (the king's duties excepted) and very little of the goods or manufactures for which they come, belong to the fubjects of the crown of Spain. It is evident therefore, that the Spanish merchants are but factors, and that the greatest part of the returns from the West Indies belong to thofe for whom they negotiate. Let us next enquire who they are, and what their fhares may be. E The goods and manufactures ufually fent to the provinces of Spanish America are gold and filver ftuffs, filks of all forts, as well ftockings and gloves, as piece goods; woollen manufactures of all kinds, linens, laces, and thread; hats, and all other manufactures of felt, G fpices, drugs, colours for painters, materials for dying; all forts of perfumes, green and white wax, haberdafhers ware, toys of all kinds, copper, brass, and iron goods, Ruffia, and other kinds of drefled leather, paper for writing, printing, and packing; playing cards, mafts, rigging, pitch, tar, cordage, Er. pipe itaves, vellels for wine, oil, and other liquors; and almost all forts of domeftick utenfils, with various kinds H 129 of provifion Befides, the Spanish fettlements must be fupplied with negroes, Our which is a prodigious article. South Sea company ftipulated to furnish at least 4800 every year. It is plain, that of all thefe articles, the Spaniards themselves can furnifh little or nothing. It is true, they may fend wines, oils, olives, and fome forts of fweetmeats, which are liked in the Indies, but then the values of these commodities are inconfiderable, when compared with the reft of the cargoes which they send out The prime coft of thofe goods amounts to a vast sum, and the profits upon them to a greater. The very probity of the Spanish merchants is deftructive to their country; for as they are never known to betray their truft, confequently the foreigners, who make use of their names to cover their commerce in the Indies, reap the entire advantage of the high price at which their goods fell. All then that refts in Spain is the filver and gold on the king's account, the profit of fuch goods as were actually fent by Spanish merchants, and the commiffions which Spanish factors receive; all befide is prefently thrown away. The French, English, Dutch, and fome other nations in the North, fupply the Spaniards with the neceflary affortments for their Weft India cargoes. The French, fince the fucceffion of King Philip, have a very large fhare in the commerce, fupplying all forts of gold and filver ftuffs, rich filks, velvets, flowered and plain hats, filk and worsted tockings, flight woollen ftuffs of the fabrick of Amiens and Rheims, but chiefly of Life and Arras, vait quantities of linen, paper, cards, toys, and many other things. It is impoffible to guess nearly at the value of what they furnish, but we may form fome fort of idea of it from the article of linens, which a perfon well acquainted with their trade computed at 300,000l. fterling at least, During the last general war all this com merce was in the hands of the French, which in a great measure enabled them to fupport it. They managed it however fo injudicioufly, glutting the markets with European commodities to fuch a degree, that for three or four years before the peace they were lofers. Experience however has made them wifer fince, and if we eftimate their gains at three millions, it cannot be thought too much. The Dutch, for about twenty years before the breaking out of the last war, managed the beft part of the Spanish trade, trade, that is to fay, they fupplied alone more. The goods fupplied by the English are pepper, all forts of woollen goods, eIpecially bays, perpetuanas, flannels, &c. fine and coarfe filk and worsted stockings, feveral forts of rich filks, copper, brais, and iron ware, toys, clocks, watches in vaft quantities, dried fish, falt provifions from Ireland, with other lefs confiderable articles, which, taken all together, amounts to a vait fun, befides what was annually fent to the Indies in the South Sea fhip and the negro trade, which is of mighty confequence. To ballance this it mult be allowed, that we took a large quantity of their produce; yet the ballance in our favour is generally found to have been between four and five millions. Add to this what the Spaniards receive from other parts of Europe, and it may be reckoned at two millions more : So that in the whole, there is not less than 15 millions in every fuch cargo from Amerita, may be reckoned to belong to ftrangers, on account of their intereft in the goods exported thither. But besides all D E this, we must confider that Spain itself hath great wants, much beyond what its native commodities will purchase, and thefe mult of confequence create farther demands on the effects brought from the Weft Indies: fo that on the whole, there are good grounds to fuppofe, that between 20 and 25 millions, either in money or effects, are expended out of what the Spaniards receive; which clearly explains the interest other nations have in preferving to her all that fhe poffeffes in the new world. As long as the king of Spain perfifts in this kind of policy, his affairs muft go worse and worfe; and while he fancies that he aggrandizes himself by disturbing the peace of Europe, he will abfolutely beggar his fubjects, and, in the courfe of a few years, will be obliged to abandon, through poverty, the places he undoes himlelf to conquer. We may have been poffibly mistaken in the foregoing computation; but if we are, it is very probably on the right fide; but fuppofing it otherwife, fuppofe that 15 millions of pieces of eight reft in that country after all accounts are ballanced: Out of that the civil and military expences of the government are to be paid, large fums to be fent Don Carlos, and abundance of coftly intrigues to be carried on in Germany, and other places. These expences, and indeed all expences in Spain, differ from the expences of any other court in Europe; becaufe, fooner or later, the greatest part of the money difburfed goes out of the kingdom. A great part of their troops, and at leaft a moiety of their officers, are foreigners, who fend their effects away if ever they are so happy as to have any. The greatest part of the artizans, pedlars, and fmall fhop-keepers, are Frenchmen and Italians, who either retire in the decline of life, or leave what they are worth to relations in their own country. Nay, the very labourers, and harveft people, come thither annually by thousands, out of the provinces in G France next to Spain, and when they have done their business, and received their wages, go home again till the next year. Whenever the galleons are stopped, and thereby the fupplies from America cut off for one or more years, it is easy to difcern what troubles and diHftreffes this mult occafion, and what ir F redeemable evils fuch difappointments bring along with them; for as thefe never fall out but in time of war, an increase of expence meets with deficiency of funds; and thofe who are at the head Of a Settlement for Don PHILIP. bead of affairs, have at once both thefe oppofite mischiefs to deal with. When thefe things are thoroughly confidered, no body can wonder at the advices we receive from Spain, or conceive what is related in them to be incredible. Under fuch a government, the mean people must neceffarily want bread, the better fort fearce have more in their power. Money will be very feldom feen, the publick must be always diftreffed, and equally in want of cash, and credit. It is impoffible, then, that a British adminiftration fhould be at afraid of fuch a despicable enemy. 131: be in Italy, to the prejudice of our allies, the emprefs-queen, and the king of Sardinia: Whereas it seems much more natural for us to maintain, that he has no claim to any thing but what can. be given him as a firft fubject of Spain,. or what thofe of his own family will, A beftow on him at their own expence,, and to their own difadvantage. This prince was already high admiral of Spain, a poft that, in his hands, may be thought fufficiently lucrative for the. younger fon or brother of a great moallnarch, when, upon his marriage with a daughter of France, and the death of the emperor Charles VI. the fine project was formed of creating him a fovereignty out of thofe very doininions, which a few years before had been guaranteed whole and entire to the house of N. B. This was published a little before the prefent war began. From the Westminster Journal, March 7. Of procuring a SETTLEMENT for Don PHILIP. WE have no inftances of plunging, ple of the prefent war on the fide of I- D Auftria. Befides the crown of Spain, G to which his eldeft paternal brother was the undifputed heir, he already faw his elder brother of the whole blood in poffeffion of the crown of the Two Si-, cilies, which he promised to re-unite with the crown of Spain upon the demife of a half brother, who had not at that time, nor was in expectation of having any iffue of his own perfon. His younger brother the church had amply provided for in the cardinalate, and the two opulent bifhopricks of Toledo and Seville, with fair expectations, perhaps, of the pontificate hereafter: And would not this fuffice for the fons of one famiEly? When three are thus provided for, is not the fourth content to be a prince without being a fovereign, content to live on the preferments that might be given him in Spain and France, where he may be fure, in all human probability, of always living either the fon or the brother, the fon-in-law or the brother-in-law of the reigning monarch? What, because this princefs had in her own right fome claim to a fucceffion," heither very large nor very rich, muft therefore all her offspring be made fovereigns? And do the powers of Europe tamely fubmit to let her make fuch demands, and fome of them even join F with her in helping to affert them? Has not the Spanish monarchy titles and revenues for the younger fons of her kings, that they must be fent into Italy hunting after kingdoms and princípalities? It had fcarce been worth my while, as an English writer, to enter upon thefe G queftions, if the policy of our great men had not fuffered them to be blended with our interefts. We contributed our part towards procuring a kingdom for Don Carlos, and feem to admit, as a kind of previous article to a general peace, that a fettlement muft fomewhere be found for Don Philip, tho' where, H or at whofe expence, is not fo well agreed. We fight only that it may not That his mother, a woman of boundlefs ambition, while fhe had in her hands the adminiftration of the Spanish affairs, fhould form further fchemes for this child, is not fo much to be wondered at, as that her views fhould be efpoufed by all the branches of the house of Bourton, and tacitly, as it were, admited, by all the other powers of Europe: For the question, by what I have obferved, has not been whether it was expedient that Don Philip should have a dominion given him (that not being difputed) but whether he fhould have one given him out of the fpoils of the houfe of Auftria in Italy, which even the houfe of Bourbon had guaranteed whole and entire to the female heir, But But there is no injuftice, no abfurdity, which power and ambition will not both commit and justify. Whatever claim, in Italy or elsewhere, the late king of Spain, Philip V. had to the fucceffion of the emperor Charles VI. that claim muft reft in his eldest fon Ferdinand, now reigning, and can by no means be transferr'd to his fons by the second venter, much less to the fecond of thofe fons, as Don Philip actually is. If even Naples and Sicily be confider'd as a part of the Auftrian fucceffion, Charles now reigns in his elder brother's detriment; much more would Philip do fo, in any thing he might acquire of that fucceffion. B In like manner, if the fons of the queen dowager have, in her right, any claim to the Farneje fucceffion of Parma and Placentia, that claim must be in the eldeft of them, Charles K. of Naples, C and not in his younger brother Philip, the man for whom there is fo much buftle to provide: So that take this matter in what light we please, the injustice and abfurdity are still notorious. If it be after all infifted on, that the moft facred right can be alienated (a doctrine by no means agreeing with the D moft exalted notions of kingship) the alienation made by the infanta, confort of Lewis XIV. and great-grandmother to the prefent race of Spanish princes, ought to have been effectual, fince no inftrument was ever made or fworn to with more folemnity. And admitting E this, none of the houfe of Bourbon could have any right to poffefs the leaft part of the fucceffion of king Charles II. and both the late and prefent king of Spain must be confidered as ufurpers. But the right of Philip V. it will be again urged, tho' long difputed, was at lait allow'd, upon a peace, by the emperor Charles VI. and from that time at Teaft Philip became legal poffeffor.'Admitting all this, it will by no means help the claim of Philip's children in Italy: For the fame public acts, which recognized Philip for king of Spain and the Indies, recognized alfo Charles for fovereign of the Milaneje, Naples, and G the Netherlands, excluding the houfe of Bourbon from every thing before held by the houfe of Auftria in Italy. So that one or the other of these pofitions mu be right. Either thofe folemn acts of recognition are of perpetual obligation, or they are not. If they are, no fucceffor of Philip can have a right to what he renounced for himself and his posterity: If they are not, the claim of the emprefs, as heir of the house of Att fria, is again open to the whole Spanish monarchy, as much as the oppofite claim can be to thofe parts of it that were difmember'd in favour of her father. In particular, fhe has an undoubted right to the re-poffeffion of Naples and Sicily, which, after having been folemnly ceded to her father, were forcibly taken from him, in violation of. treaties, to form a fettlement for Don Carlos, who, if he fucceeds to the crown of Spain, as in all human probability he will, muft otherwife again unite those kingdoms to the crown from which they were thus feparated for the common benefit. It may be added, that the mother's right to Parma and Placentia, upon the death of the late duke, and to Tuscany upon the extinction of the family of Medicis, is feparate from her confort's claim to the Milanefe.—True-But was not Tuscany given to the grand duke, now emperor, and did not Parma and Placentia devolve to the late emperor Charles VI. by agreement, in confideration of leaving Don Carlos in quiet poffeffion of the Sicilies? The right the fons of this princess might otherwife have had, being thus extinguifhed by ceffions and exchanges, it follows, that all the war to establish the second of them has been unjuft, and all the bloodfhed on that fide, within four or five years paft, is chargeable on those who promoted that war on unjust pretenfions. What will be the end of these pur fuits, if every monarch, who happens to have more than one fon, must ditturb the peace of Europe to procure him an independent fettlement, without dif membring any of his own dominions ? What troubles may we not expect ourfelves, if this doctrine fhould once prevail, and the ambition of any future king of our numerous royal family fhould efpoufe it? Prince Charles of Lorrain has, 【 think, a much better plea than this Don Philip to be thus provided for, if it be allow'd that all princes who are not born to government must be complimented with it. He is the emperor's only brother, defpoil'd of hopes in his familypatrimony by the houfe of Bourbon, and would be left to the condition of a foldier of fortune but for the happy marriage of his brother, and his late elevation in confequence of that union. And what fhall we think of our own hero, the brave duke of Cumberland, who is certainly as worthy to reign as 1 |