mans raised their republic to that height of glory and power to which it attained. Their counsel and wisdom are particularly commended. Their unity to promote the public good, their particular disinterestedness, their obedience to the laws and lawful authority, their faith in treaties, their patience, in labour, their constancy in their resolutions, their courage and valour, and, above all, their love of equality, and freedom from all ambition: these virtues, although defective in their end and motives, as they were not referred to God, but to vain glory, were notwithstanding very valuable in themselves, with respect to the rules and duties of civil society.

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I cannot better conclude this article, than with the " solid reflection of St Augustin, [h] upon the causes of the Roman power: Though they were void, says "he, of true piety, which consists in the sincere worship of the true God; they observed notwithstand'ing certain rules of probity and justice, which are "the foundation of a state, contribute to its increase, " and serve to establish it. And it pleased God to grant them an incredible success, to shew, by the example of so great and powerful an empire, how "useful civil and political virtues are, though sepa"rate from true religion; and to let other men thereby see how valuable they become, when exalted "and ennobled by true religion, and in what manner they may thereby become citizens of another country, where truth is king, charity the law, and "whose duration is eternity. Cujus rex veritas, cujus lex caritas, cujus modus æternitas."

[g] Maccab. lib. i. c. 8.

[b] S. Aug. ep. 138. ad Marcel. c. 3.

M 2

THE

THE FOURTH PIECE OF ROMAN HISTORY.

THE CHANGE OF THE ROMAN REPUPLIC INTO A MONARCHY, FORETOLD AND OBSERVED BY THE HISTORIAN POLYBIUS, IN THE SIXTH BOOK OF HIS HISTORY.

I SHALL divide what I have to say upon this subject into two parts. In the first I shall give a short account of the principles which Polybius lays down upon the different sorts of government, and on which he formed conjectures that foretold the change which was to happen to the Roman republic. In the second I shall explain, as briefly as I can, how this change actually came to pass, after the manner, and for the reasons which Polybius had expressed.

I think myself obliged to inform my readers, in the beginning of this little dissertation, that when I speak of the different sorts of government, and the judgment to be formed of them, I only relate the sentiments of Polybius. For my own part, I adhere to the decision which is found in [i] Herodotus, where the monarchial state is preferred to the other two.

CHAP. I.

THE PRINCIPLES OF POLYBIUS UPON THE DIF FERENT SORTS OF GOVERNMENT, AND PARTI CULARLY THAT OF THE ROMANS.

THE different sorts of government are generall reduced to three kinds; one where the king go verns, which Polybius calls Barinas, regal government another in which the nobility have the supreme au thority, which is called an aristocracy; and a thir which is called a democracy, where the whole powe of the state is vested in the people.

Every one of these forms of government has and ther which very much resembles it, borders upon i and into which it often degenerates, whereof me tion shall be made hereafter.

being sensible that the three forms of government we have mentioned had each of them great inconveniences which were almost inevitable, that royalty some-. times degenerated into tyranny and arbitrary power; aristocracy into an unjust dominion of some particular persons, and the power of the people into anarchy and confusion. Lycurgus, I say, contrived to introduce these three forms of government into that of Sparta, and in a manner blend them into one; insomuch that the royal authority was balanced by the power of the people, and a third order composed of the elders and wise men of the republic, served as a counterpoise to the two former, to hold them constantly in a kind of equilibrium, and hinder the one from rising too much above the other. This wise legislator was not mistaken. in his views; and no republic ever preserved its laws, its customs, and its liberty, so long as that of Sparta. The institutions of Lycurgus, indeed, were by no means proper for a state determined upon conquests and aggrandizing itself, which therefore did not enter at all into his scheme or design, as this wise legislator did not place the solid happiness of a people in it. It was his intention that the Spartans, confining themselves within the natural bounds of their country, without any thoughts of invading the territories of another, should, by their justice and moderation, still more than by their power, become the masters and arbiters of the fate of all the other people of Greece, which, in his opinion, was no less glorious than to carry the success of their arms abroad. Nor did they fall from their glory, till they departed from these wise views of their legislator. For, when they were obliged to furnish provisions out of their own territories, to fit out fleets, pay seamen, and defray the exnences of a long war their iron money was no longer

of any use to them; and this laid them under a necessity, as haughty as they were, of servilely making their court to the grandees of Persia to obtain money of them, every where current, and of becoming voluntary slaves before they were subdued by force.

If the glory of a state, says Polybius, is made to consist in the aggrandizing and extending itself, in making conquests, in ruling over many people, and attracting the eyes of the whole earth, it must be owned that no government had ever so many advantages, nor was so calculated for obtaining this end, as that of the Romans. Like the government of Sparta, it united in one the three forms of authority we have mentioned. The consuls held the place of kings; the senate formed the public council, and the people had a great share in the administration. There was only this difference in it, that it was not by a plan and design laid down from the beginning, as at Sparta, but by the consequence of events, that Rome assumed this form of government; every one of the three parties which made up the body of the state, had a distinct power; the description of which may not here be disagreeable, as it may very much contribute to the understanding of the Roman history. Polybius is very particular upon this subject.

THE POWER OF THE CONSULS.

Whilst the consuls resided at Rome, they had the administration of all public affairs. All the other ma gistrates except the tribunes of the people, were sub ject to them, and obliged to obey them. Upon the -turned whatever related to the deliberations of th senate. They admitted embassadors into it, propose the public affairs, and reduced its resolutions to for in writing. They carried them to the people, calle assemblies for that purpose, in which they were to de liberate of the common affairs of the public, laid b fore them the decrees of the senate for their examina

be both absent from Italy.

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As to war and military expeditions, the consuls had almost sovereign power; they had the care of raising armies; of settling the number of troops, which the allies were separately to furnish; and of nominating the principal officers to serve under them. When they were in the field, they had the right of condemning and punishing without appeal. They disposed of the public money at their pleasure, and applied it as they judged convenient; the quæstor constantly attending them, and supplying them with such sums as they required, out of the funds assigned to them for the service; so that, considering the Roman republic in this point, one would be almost inclined to think it governed by a regal and monarchical authority.

THE POWER OF THE SENATE.

The senate almost absolutely disposed of the finances and public treasure. They took account of all the revenues and expences of the state, and the quæstors could not deliver out any sum, except to the consuls, without a decree of the senate. The case was the same, with a reference to all the expences the censors were obliged to be at for the support and repairs of the public buildings.

The senate nominated commissioners to take cognizance of all the extraordinary crimes which were committed at Rome and in Italy, and demanded the attention of the public authority, such as treason, conspiracy, poisoning and murders, and to pass sentence upon them. The affairs and causes of private men, or cities, which had any relation to the state, were also judged by the senate. It was the senate