glory, he could think of marching into Cappadocia, and to the extremity of the Euxine sea, to exhaust the remains of his old age in fighting against the nobles of Mithridates; yet he was nominated by the people to command in the war, and Sylla obliged to fly to save his life.

But Sylla within a small time returned to Rome at the head of a numerous army, and Marius, after a weak resistance, was in his turn obliged to fly. A price was set upon his head, and the tribune Sulpitius was strangled. Sylla, without tarrying any longer at Rome, marched directly against Mithridates, as fully assured the victories he should gain over so formidable an enemy, would contribute more than any thing to strengthen his authority.

The absence of Sylla gave Marius an opportunity of returning. He had run through strange adventures, been obliged to fly trembling from city to city, to hide himself sometimes in forests and sometimes in a morass. His entrance into Rome was followed by the murder of an infinite number of citizens, and the most considerable persons in the city that adhered co the party of Sylla.

In the mean time a report was spread, that Sylla had out an end to the war with Mithridates, and was reurning to Rome with a vast army. Marius, who ad procured himself to be chosen consul for the seenth time, was so alarmed at the news, that he could ever sleep, and contracted a distemper, of which he ied soon after. It is said, that in the delirium, which ever left him, he would talk and act as if he were ghting against Mithridates. [] So deeply had his esire of commanding, and his natural jealousy im[4] Οὕτω δεινὸς αὐτῷ καὶ δυσπαρα- ἔρως ἐντελήκει τῶν πράξεων ἐκείνων.

printed in his heart a strong and violent passion f the conduct of that war.

The cruelty of Marius seemed a trifle in compa son of what was afterwards exercised by Sylla, filled Rome with continual and endless murders, a set no value upon the lives of the citizens. He p scribed at different times an immense number, a forbad all people, upon pain of death, to receive shelter any that were proscribed, without excepti the person that should save a brother, a son, or a ther; and even proposed a reward for the homici either in the case of a slave that should kill his mast or a son that should cut the throat of his own fath The death of the proscribed was followed by the c fiscation of their goods. [] Thus avarice gave oc sion to cruelty: riches were guilt, and every one peared criminal in proportion to the wealth he p sessed, which at once became the danger of the ri and the recompence of the murderer. Sylla no nated and declared himself dictator, a title which not been known at Rome for a hundred and twe years before. He passed an act of general obli for all that was past, and caused himself to be inve with full power, for the future, of putting to d what citizens he pleased; of confiscating estates, tributing lands, destroying cities, building ot taking away kingdoms, and conferring them whomsoever he pleased.

But what is scarce to be comprehended, afte had put to death so many thousands, introduced the republic such strange changes and unheardnovations, he ventured to resign the dictatorshi live as a private man, and ended his days in his without one-man being found, among so many zens, whose fathers, brothers and children he ha to death, to attempt his life: divine justice res the punishment of him to itself. He was struck

[7] Id quoque accessit, ut sævitiæ causam avaritia præberet, & modus culpæ ex pecuniæ modo constitue

retur, & qui fuisset locupl nocens, suique quisque peric ces foret. Vell. Paterc. 1. i

We learn from Marius and Sylla how very fatal the consequences of a misguided ambition may prove. It is less to be wondered that Marius, who had always something rough, austere and savage in his disposition, [m] hirtus atque horridus, unimproved by study or education, and in a manner uncivilized, should carry his revenge and cruelty the lengths he did. But such excesses are almost incredible in a man of [n] Sylla's character, who had always appeared mild, humane, tender, and compassionate, even so as to weep at the misfortunes of others; one that from his youth had been addicted to gaiety and pleasures, and who managed his fortune at first with so much wisdom and moderation. Could this, says Plutarch, be a change of temper and manners arising from high honours and great prosperity? Or was it the bare eruption of a secret depravity concealed in his heart, which his absolute power gave him an opportunity of displaying? Be that as it will, we must conclude, that ambition, when a rival is to be removed, is capable of the blackest crimes, and the most inhuman cruelties.

That of Sylla produced very fatal effects, for several ages after. Possessed with a boundless passion for power, he was the first, who, to gain the affection of the troops, corrupted them by a servile complaisance and excessive bribes. He taught them that it was in their power to give lords to the empire, and it was from this first example that the legions began to consider themselves as having an absolute right, exclusive even of the senate, to dispose of the empire, to advance and depose emperors at their pleasure, without paying any regard to the merit of the best and princes.

greatest

[m] Patere

We have here two other ambitious men, of a cha racter very different from the former; as their ambi tion, covered and supported by the most glorious qua lities, seems less worthy of blame, and was yet n less pernicious to the republic.

These two great men had no superiors in antiquity if we consider only their military virtues, their enter prises and victories, which filled the universe with th glory of their name.

[o] Cæsar, in less than ten years, when he com manded in Gaul, took above eight hundred cities b force; subdued three hundred nations, fought at s veral times in pitched battles against three millions enemies, a million of which he cut in pieces, and too another million prisoners. For which reason an hi torian says, that in respect to the greatness of his pr jects, the rapidity of his conquests, his courage a intrepidity in dangers, he might be compared to Ale ander the Great, but then only while Alexander w neither heated with wine nor angry. [p] Magnit dine cogitationum, celeritate bellandi, patientia per culorum, magno illi Alexandro, sed sobrio neq iracundo, simillimus.

The encomiums which [q] Tully gives, in a tho sand places, to Pompey's merit, are extremely honou able. From his youth he signalized himself by gre commands and important expeditions. He had a sha in more battles than those of his rank and age h usually read. He gained as inany triumphs as t world has different parts, and as many victories there are different sorts of war. Success and coura had so constantly attended on him, that he might said, in some manner, to be exalted above the co dition of humanity. And lastly, all the moral v tues, probity, integrity, disinterestedness and religi had acquired him an immense reputation amongst reign nations, and taught them to believe that wl [o] Plut. in Cæsar. [p] Paterc. lib. ii. n. 41.

[q] Pro Cornel. Balb. n. 9. Pro Leg. Manil. n. 28, 41.

repeat, nagaт, апиqину nas never produced two greater men; but the one could not bear a superior, nor the other an equal. Pompey, [r] says an historian, was exempt from almost every fault, if it was not one of the greatest, that being born in a city that was free, and sovereign of nations, in which by right all the citizens were equal, he could not bear that any one should be equal to him in dignity and power. [s] And Cæsar, resolving to rule, and lord it over the rest at any rate, had those verses of Euripedes continually in his mouth, which insinuate, that if the greatest crimes were to be committed, it was when a throne was the motive.

Nam si violandum est jus, regnandi gratiâ

Violandum est; aliis rebus pietatem colas. [t] The triumvirate formed between Pompey, Cæsar, and Crassus, with a view only to their private interests, and which occasioned their own destruction, no less than the ruin of the republic, shews what we are to think of the so much boasted probity of the great Pompey. [u] He went still farther; and, to strengthen his power, was not ashamed to take Cæsar For his father-in-law, adopting by that alliance all his riminal views and designs, the injustice of which he new better than any body. [a] Thus Cato, in reply o some persons, who were saying that the differences which had arose between Pompey and Cæsar had uined the commonwealth, no, says he, it was their nion.

Cato was not mistaken. He had foreseen all that. appened afterwards. Finding the laws overthrown, he authority of the senate despised, the people cor

[r] Vell. Paterc. lib. ii. n. 29. [S] Cic. lib. v. Offic. n. 82.

[u] Cic. lib. iii. de Offic. n. 82. [x] Plut. in Pomp.