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His funeral was solemnized with the utmost magnifi» cence, and the greatest ornament of it was the tears and blessing bestowed by the people upon the deceased, which were not the effect of mere custom and decency, but proceeded from a sincere affection and the most cordial gratitude. They farther made an ordinance, that every year for the future, upon the day of his death, games of music, wrestling, and horseraces should be celebrated in honour of his memory. Nothing was ever more consummate than what history tells us of Timoleon. I do not mean only his great exploits in the field, and the good success of all his enterprises: what I admire most in him, is his warm and disinterested love for the public good, reserving to himself only the pleasure of seeing others happy by his services: his freedom from all insolence of power, and pride of worth, his retirement into the country, his modesty, moderation, declining of honours, and, what is still more extraordinary, his aversion to all flattery, and even for the justest praise. [y] When at any time mention was made of his wisdom, his valour, and the glory he had acquired in expelling the tyrants; he only replied, that he thought himself highly indebted to the gods, for making choice of him to be the minister of their will, when they determined to restore the peace and liberty of Sicily; for he was thoroughly persuaded, that all human events were directed and governed by the secret orders of Divine Providence.

I cannot conclude this article concerning the government of Sicily, without desiring the reader to

Cùm suas laudes audiret prædicari, nunquam aliud dixit, quàm se in ea re maximas diis agere gratias atque habere, quòd, cùm

se potissimùm ducem esse voluissent. Nihil enim rerum humanarum sine deorum numine agi putabat. Corn. Nep. in Vit. Timol, cap. 4.

4

compare the happy and peaceable old age of Timo leon, who was esteemed, honoured, and beloved by every body, with the miserable life of Dionysius the tyrant (I mean the father) who was continually haunted with terror, apprehension, the horror and execration of the public. [2] During the whole course of his reign, which lasted eight and thirty years, he wore a cuirass of brass under his robe. He never made a speech to the people, but from the top of a tower. And not daring to rely upon any of his friends or kindred, he took foreigners and slaves to guard him, going abroad as seldom as he could, his fear obliging him to condemn himself to a kind of perpetual imprisonment. That he might not trust his life and throat in the hands of a barber, he made his daughters shave him, who were then very young; and when they were grown up, he took the scissars and razor out of their hands, and taught them to singe off his hair and beard with nut-shells; [a] and at last did this office himself, evidently not caring to rely any longe upon his own daughters. He never went by night into the apartments of his wives, without causing them to be thoroughly searched, and with great care His bed was encompassed with a very large and deep entrenchment, having a draw-bridge, which opened a passage to it. After he had well bolted and barred the doors of his chamber, he raised this bridge, tha he might sleep securely. [b] Neither his brother, no his son, were allowed to come into his chamber, with out changing their clothes, and being searched b the guards. Can a life of such continual jealousy an terror be properly called reigning, or even living [c] A king, who really deserves that name, needs n guards but for form, and the outward splendor of m jesty; [d] as he lives in the midst of his own famil

T

A

[z] Cic. lib. 5. Tusc. Quæst. n. tus, nihil præsidio eget :

38, 62.

[a] Lib. 2 de Off. n. 25.

[6] Plut. in Vit. Dion.

rise

arma

Sen. lib.

namenti causâ hebet.
de Clem. cap. 13.
[d] Quod tutius imperium

Tel Princeps, suis beneficiis tu, quàm illud, qvod amore &

books of Tusculan Questions, is there between the wretched and fearful life of Dionysius the tyrant, and that of Plato, Archytas, and a great many other philosophers, who lived at the same time? This prince, in the midst of pomp and grandeur, condemned by his own choice to a kind of dungeon, excluded the conversation of all good men, passed his life with slaves, wretches, and barbarians, regarding every man as an enemy, who set a just value upon liberty, employed only in murder and bloodshed, and spending his days and nights in continual terror. The others, united by the same sentiments of happiness and taste of study, formed amongst themselves the most pleasing and agreeable society that can possibly be imagined, exempt from all care and uneasiness, and knowing no other pleasure but what arises from the contemplation of truth, and the love of virtue, wherein these philosophers placed the whole happiness of man.

[f] It was in their school, and from their conversations, that Dion had imbibed these principles and sentiments, which he endeavoured to instil into the young Dionysius, exhorting him to govern his subjects with humanity and tenderness, as a good father governs his family. "Consider, said he, that the

chains which support and strengthen a monarchical government, and which your father boasted he had "made as hard to break as adamant, are neither fear "nor force, as he imagined, a great number of gal"lies, nor a guard of thousands of barbarians; but "the affection, love and gratitude, which the virtue "and justice of princes raise in the hearts of their people; and that chains formed by such sentiments,

tate munitur? Quis securior quàm rex ille, quem non metuunt, sed cui metuunt subditi? Synes, de

66.

[e] Lib. 3. Tusc. Quest. n. 63,

[£1 Plut. in. Vit. Dion.

"though more gentle and less heavy than others so "hard and stiff, are however much, stronger with re "gard to duration, and contribute more firmly to "the support of the state: that besides, a prince is "i neither honoured, nor esteemed, for being richly "sapparelled, for his furniture, or retinue, or for f spending his days in luxury and pleasures, if he has no advantage in point of reason and understanding "over the least of his subjects, and is so wholly employed in the decoration of his body apartments as to neglect adorning the palace of his mind as "becomes the majesty of a king of b9576 9797 Isaigito 907 16: 8732 quoted zal to geuniged adt at bhow sit ni SunARTICLE 11. 20 neitsbauot bis si bus 29 ab to a row of net se on od bluo

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[8] POF THE ROMAN HISTORY, sat to tosity bonumba a od es go04 20

HOW prejudiced soever Livy may seem, in favour of the people whose history he writes, we cannot deny, but the high encomium he gives them in the beginning of his work, is very well grounded and it must be owned with him, that there never wa La republic more powerful, or governed with greate justice, or more abundant in glorious examples; whe avarice and luxury were later introduced, or wher poverty and frugality were had in so great honou during so great a length. Ceterùm, says Livy, gut • amor negotii suscepti fallit, aut nulla unquam re. publica nec major, nec sanctior, nec bonis exemplis a tior fuit; nec in quam tam sera avaritia luxuriaq z immigraverint, nec ubi tantus ac tamdiu paupertez ac parsimoniæ honos fuerit, savih bis evoluag

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Providence, having shewn in Nebuchadnezzar, C rus, and Alexander, with what ease it subverts t greatest empires and erect new ones, was pleased establish one of a very different kind, which should no respect resemble the impetuosity of the former, be owing to those tumultuous circumstances, w wher chance seemed to have a greater share than wisdo an empire, which was to increase by just degrees a

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OF PROFANE HISTORY.

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proportions, which should conquer by method, and
grow strong by the wisdom of counsels and patience;
whose power should be the fruit of every human vir-
tue, and which in all these particulars should deserve
to become the model of every other government.
With this view such distant foundations were laid, as
were sufficient to support the mighty edifice designed
to be raised upon them. Providence had made pre-
parations for it, by a long succesion of great men,
and a chain of singular events, which the heathen
world could not avoid admiring, and over which they
were forced to own the divinity presided. [g] Livy
in the beginning of his history says, that the original
and foundation of the greatest empire in the world
could be no other than the work of the fates, and the
effect of the peculiar protection of the gods. [h] He
makes Romulus declare, as soon as he is admitted
into heaven, that it is the will of the gods, that Rome
should become the capital of the universe, and that no
human power should be able to withstand it." [i] He
industriously enumerates the prodigies which from the
first foundation of the city announced its future great-
ness, and takes notice of a kind of secret instinet and
certain foresight of the power for which it was in-
tended, in several of those who governed it at first.
[k] Lastly, Plutarch says in express terms, that who-
"ever considers the conduct and actions of the Romans
with the least attention, must clearly discover, that
they could never have attained to that height of glory
they did, if the gods had not taken care of them from
the beginning, and there had not been something mi-
raculous and divine in their original. And in another
place, which in my opinion is well worth notice, [7]
ant atšvdue to 9203 tode mir gebudzolt bis
bersela eu!! #yat 913 has 25uqu? 194
[g] Debebatur, ut opinor, fatis opes armis
humanis re-
urbis,maximique secun-
Appstere posse!
duff deorum opes imperii principi-[] Inter principia rondendi hu-
fume (Liv. lib. 4. n. 452jus operis, (Capitolii) movisse nu-
[b] Abi nuncia Romanis, men ad indicandam tanti imperii
Celestes ita velle, ut mea Roma ca. molem traditur deos. Ibid. n. 55.

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