temper which resolves never to yield; and what is most pitiable, they relate chiefly to extreme points of doctrines or measures. The differences are subtle, and, for the most part, to a candid view, would seem unessential; and yet much is made of the discrepancy. It is deemed of immense importance, which side is adopted, and no measured denunciation follows a supposed wrong decision. Some of the benevolent enterprises of the day, seem to be in danger of suffering from this cause. They begin to be shaped by such a spirit. We have heard to our surprise, that the defense of one has been connected with the disparagement of another, as if it were possible, that the great principles or objects of benevolence could be at variance among themselves. The claim of education societies, as we have been informed, was lately attempted to be sustained, on the part of a public agent, by showing its superiority to the sabbath school institution; a most unfortunate point of comparison or contrast, whether founded in truth or falsehood.

Advantages obtained are sometimes pushed to an extent beyond what the people or the friends of a good cause are prepared to go, or at present can be made to think it their duty, on the whole, to go. For instance, could the wishes of some, on the part of the scientific education of the great body of the people be realized, we see not but that the common pursuits of life must stand still. The manual and mechanical operations of the community would, at least, be materially lessened; and how much we should gain by having science and wanting bread, is a question more easily answered than many metaphysical ones in these times. Could the wishes of numbers, on the subject of retrenchment, be gratified, to such an extreme is it carried,—and were it to become universal,— no wants, or next to none, would be felt; and of course little enterprise, business or wealth would be found in the community, and thus the very means of doing good,-the object professedly sought by such retrenchment,-would be incalculably diminished. The plan itself, of going directly forward, on a principle originally good, and pursuing it at all lengths, without regard to times, circumstances or occasions,-without reference indeed to its effects,-will be very apt to become wrong, and to end in the production of more evil than good. We are well aware of the force of the maxim of an able English divine, viz. "A straight line is the shortest in morals, as well as geometry." But the question is, what constitutes the straight line in morals,-the unexceptionable course. Is it less a wise and conscientious regard of the nature and consequences of our conduct, than a naked theoretic perfectibility? Men who blindly pursue a certain course, however right they may believe themselves, are accountable to God and to their fellow men for the issue. It is not enough that they are honest; they must have

an enlightened honesty. Such, however, is beginning to be the spirit of the times, in some things, that no good can be seen, except in being committed to a certain theory or enterprise, to all the extent to which it can be carried, or in dissenting from it to an equal extreme. Hence, if any thing new is projected; if any new measures in religion are adopted, or any new divinity is broached, that is, new illustrations of divine truth, or unaccustomed modes of exhibition are employed, it is all furiously denounced as heresy or neology; all the resources of wit and ridicule, if not of argument, are called into action to put it down. Or if, on the other hand, any thing old is left, and sedate and not easily moved minds find something of sterling excellence in the paths which the fathers trod, a great outcry is made, and charges of stupidity and hostility to religion, and what not, are rung from one end of the land to another. This unhappy and hurtful spirit is oftentimes called into being and fostered, by bold and startling writers; persons of a lively turn, and dealing in paradoxes, who may be mainly in the right, but need to have their views modified by a sound and sober judgment. They take, however, with the generality of men, who are not qualified by education or habit, to distinguish the valuable from the worthless parts of their communications. There needs to arise, in our country at least, some master-spirit, sound and judicious,-eminently humble and pious, as well as gifted with the light of genius,-who might point out the proper course to be pursued in these anathematizing times; these dividing and breakingup times. Some Leighton, whose pure intelligence, and meek and heavenly temper, shall shame us of our self-sufficiency and obstinacy; another Edwards, who, with overwhelming reason and argument, shall probe our moral disorders, expose the errors that infest the church, and conduct us into the path of sober and discreet inquiry.

3. It is obvious to advert to political party spirit, as threatening much evil to this country. Every person who has turned his attention towards this feature of our national character, has perceived in it a source of imminent danger to our free institutions. The mischief already effected, if not irreparable, is, at least, very serious. Besides the alarming inroads which it has made on private, domestic and social happiness; poisoning the sources of peace and union among families, neighborhoods and societies, it is threatening both to morality and liberty. Designed to be a guard of freedom and right, since open political discussions, and canvassing the conduct of political men, are essential to our form of government, -there is yet danger from its excessive sway, of sacrificing every thing else to its dictates. In this case it induces men to seek chiefly the interest of a party. The public good never comes within the range of its calculations. Factious zealots are alone reward.

ed; office is secured by devotion to particular men or measures, without regard to their merit. They who express the most boisterous commendation of persons in power, are entitled to the greatest favor. Worth is overlooked; honesty and capacity in the candidates for public office, are no subjects of inquiry; and indeed nothing is regarded, but that which accords with, and subserves the views of a dominant faction. In this manner free institutions fail of their purpose: the object had in view of consulting for the general welfare, by bringing the best talents and the highest virtues into the administration of government, is utterly defeated. Hence exists a partial, weak or grinding execution of the functions of office; angry and vindictive feelings are awakened; violent altercations are engaged in ; and sometimes civil wars ensue. In such cases the powers of government are usurped by a leading or prosperous party or ruler, and liberty is weakened or crushed or else disorder or misrule are suffered to bear sway, and evils of various name spring up to such a degree, that, becoming insupportable, a revolution ensues, and that commonly introduces, in its turn, a despotism. This has been the history of political party spirit in, perhaps, all former free governments. It has already become a dark and threatening page in our own history. If it continues to increase as it has done, and will be very apt to do, no reason can be assigned why it may not in the end prostrate our liberties, and with these destroy every thing which we hold valuable. What a spectacle,-must we proclaim it before the world? but it is already proclaimed,-is presented in the halls of our national legislature, of the prevalence and virulence of this party warfare! In the exasperation which it kindles, all self-respect is thrown aside, as well as deference to the representation of the people and to the majesty of the laws. Angry invective, opprobrious epithets, insulting threats, turbulence and confusion, have characterised, with singular frequency of late, the debates of Congress. When the spirit of party tramples on decency among the authorities, and at the fountain head of the nation, it cannot be too deeply deplored. We speak of it not with any political feeling or bias, but as a fact which invites the examination of every patriot, philosopher and christian in the land. Can any person, who truly loves his country, or values a correct principle of action in a community, or venerates the institutions of religion, look upon such a degree of political party contention, with any other feelings than those of anxiety and alarm! It is an evil, however, which has been often deplored; it has been presented to the consideration of our citizens in various and powerful forms. The father of his country, at an early period, raised against it the note of warning, and denounced its existence as the bane of free governments. On these accounts it certainly needs not to be enlarged upon here.

What practical moderation is demanded of us, by which we may prevent so useful a principle as free political discussion, when duly limited, from becoming a fierce and uncontrollable element of evil!

4. A growing disregard of the sabbath, and violation of that day of religious rest, is a danger of fearful magnitude to this country. This state of things has claimed the notice of christians, to some extent in times past, but not so much as it should have done. We are happy to know, that, at present, the subject is calling forth no ordinary degree of attention; and we trust, that the eloquent appeals which have of late been made, and the measures which have been proposed, will not fail of producing a beneficial effect. As to our legislators and public men, they have too generally slumbered over the important subject, or given their decided countenance to the neglect and desecration of holy time. What mean those Sunday morning sessions of the national legislature, so recklessly held? Is the business, even of the nation, of any significance, in comparison with that which is enjoined by the Lord of the sabbath, its hallowed religious rites and worship? How ominous is the temerity which trenches on holy time, under such circumstances, and for such purposes! If it shall be found impossible to uphold the sabbath, or restrain the violation of it by governmental acts, as it must be when the government itself participates in the sin, only so much greater is the necessity imposed on christians, and the friends of the sabbath, of exerting their personal influence in behalf of the day. They must come out from the world, and constitute a separate, select and unoffending class. As for themselves and families, they must be strict observers of the sabbath, and meddle not at all, even in those services of the government, or those private speculations for gain, in which its sacred rest is violated. Stock which brings in the avails of unrighteousness, by active employment on that day, must cease to be so invested, on their part. Their own example, in every particular, must be pure. By such a course of conduct, an influence of a most salutary kind would be exerted; and were every christian and sober person in the community to be consistent and uncompromising in this matter, it would constitute a moral power which could not easily be repelled. The difficulty of a strict observance of the sabbath is greatly increased, we are aware, by the relations of society; by the mingling of the various classes and employments of men; by many of the customs of life, introduced with little reference to the claims of holy time, and by the vast augmentation of business and enterprise in our land. Yet this difficulty should not deter christians from the purpose and endeavor to be entirely faithful to God, in a duty so indispensable. In their own pure and peaceful homes, where they have the con

trol of their time and actions, nothing should prevent the strict religious observation of the day; and there they should exhibit, in all its loveliness, and enjoy, in all its freshness, the christian's veneration of the consecrated season.

If any thing can engage the reflecting portion of the community to hallow the Lord's day, it would be a picture, if it could be accurately delineated, of the beauty of this divine observance, especially in the family condition. We have often painted it to our fancy, as we have sometimes most happily met with it in reality. Shall we endeavor, in few words, to draw that reality, which is far more blessed than the brightest visions of the imagination? Let us contemplate, then, the household group, on the sabbath, paying their devotions to the Lord of the sabbath. What a cheering spectacle is exhibited in this original element of society! What a hallowed scene enters the eye, as it makes its appeal to the heart! A preparation is made for the sacred and holy pleasures and employments, to which this best day of the seven invites the little circle. A religious stillness and quiet come with it, after the turmoil and cares of the week. The soul, so to speak, settles down upon itself, to find in its own thoughts, a happiness congenial to its nature, and to acquire that knowledge of itself and God, which is in vain sought in the hurry and pressure of business, or amidst the dissipation of pleasure. To all who can intelligently engage in the glad work, it is a day of holy hopes and improvement. The worship of the sanctuary is preceded and followed by the united social devotions of the family. And with the whole, are mingled the private prayers and penitence, the religious reading, the catechetical and other serious instruction, or, as is now often the fact, the sabbath school lesson; all of which piety or habit have sanctioned. This rest of the mind, so far as it is sincerely sought by the inmates of the family, is its aspiration after a higher state of being; is the preparation of its powers for a nobler life; is the pluming of its wings for a bolder flight hereafter. It is the antepast of heaven. Nothing more effectually contributes to a family's welfare, than the sabbath's employment. The most important kind of information is acquired; the most healthful feelings of the soul are called into exercise; the most impressive lessons are fastened on the heart; the kindliest sympathies are awakened, and the liveliest interest is excited in each others' welfare, and in the good of all mankind. What a fragrance is wafted over the moral sense! What a preparation the sabbath scene is, to meet the evils, which, sooner or later, all must feel in the household state! What power is there in it to soothe the pangs of separation, affliction and death! That the danger arising from the neglect or desecration of the sabbath has become very great in this country, is too melancholy a truth. The evil itself is rapidly increasing, from relaxed moral principles VOL. VIII.

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