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MEMORIALS OF THE CHAMBERS OF COMMERCE. 377

be judged of from the following passage in the memorial of the Shanghai Chamber of Commerce: "Your memorialists beg to illustrate their views by putting the question of what would have been said if, immediately after the conclusion of the Cobden Treaty with France, the French Government had proceeded to make a tax, not upon English goods, but upon those who traded in them; or what would have been thought if, in the British Parliament, a poll-tax had been voted upon all persons who dealt in French wines? It is scarcely to be imagined that such ill faith would have been tolerated, and yet it is what we are submitting to in China." Here it is entirely overlooked that such a "poll-tax" does exist in Britain on the vendors of French wine, while there are octroi duties in France; and that, in forming their treaty, neither country dreamed for a moment of relinquishing its right of levying its internal revenue to the extent and in the manner it deems best.

At once the ablest and most reasonable of the memorials referred to is that which the great house of Jardine, Matheson, & Co. has sent in on its own account,

* The bold manner in which this house defends the opium traffic is amusing, and worthy of note. "Since 1860," say these much-misrepresented philanthropists, "it has been rendered abundantly clear that the use of opium is not a curse, but a comfort and a benefit, to the hard-working Chinese. As well say that malt is a curse to the English labourer, or tobacco one to the world at large. Misuse is one thing, use another. If to a few the opium-pipe has proved a fatal snare, to many scores of thousands, on the other hand, has it been productive of healthful sustentation and enjoyment." There is a great deal of truth in this view of the subject. Most Chinese who use opium do so in moderation, just as we do wine and beer, and often with positive advantage to themselves; but if the people were polled, they would exclude the drug from China by an almost unanimous vote and we forced the introduction of it against their wishes-first, by, contrary to treaty, giving the opium-receiving ships on the coast the protection of our flag, so forming a basis of operations for smugglers on a line of coast which it was impossible for government officials to watch sufficiently;

and the point on which it lays most stress is, the right of residence in China by British subjects at other places than the ports opened by treaty. Undoubtedly this is an important matter, but it is not true, as some other of the memorialists allege, that residence in the interior of the country is impossible at present. A very large number of Roman Catholic, and a smaller number of German Protestant, missionaries do at present reside, and for many years have resided, in the interior of the country, away from the open ports, holding houses and lands on their own account. The mercantile community have never displayed any particular readiness to undertake the trouble and undergo the risks necessarily attendant upon residence among a people such as the Chinese. What they too much want, in point of fact, is, that the imperial power of Great Britain should be employed in enabling them to sit down anywhere they choose in the vast empire of China, without being at the least trouble in adapting themselves to Chinese habits or institutions, and in greater safety and comfort than they ever enjoyed in London. This is not the style of thing in which Britannia justly glories, nor is this the spirit which created our commerce and founded our empire in the East.

It is beyond my plan to enter fully into a discussion of our mercantile relationships with China, so I must remark on the subject only curtly, and therefore apparently ex cathedra. When Messrs Jardine, Matheson, & Co. assert that the alleged inland transit dues in China "are deadly foes of the English artisan, for they make teas and silks dear, as well as impede the distribu

and secondly, by making the result thus obtained an excuse for insisting, vi et armis, that the admission of opium at a fixed and low rate of duty should be legalised by an article in the Treaty of Tientsin.

THE RESULTS OF aggression.

379

tion amongst millions of buyers of the various productions of his handicraft," they leave entirely out of sight certain responsibilities which attach to the British merchants in China. What have been the net results of the aggressive policy they have supported during the last twelve years? Since the lorcha war gave such an impetus to the Rebellion in China as to disorganise the Government and ruin large districts, we have paid on an average about a pound sterling per chest of 100 lb. dearer for tea than we should otherwise have done, and about ten shillings extra on every pound weight of raw silk, even making allowance for the failure of the European crop; in war expenditure on account of China we (including the British artisan) have laid out about fifteen millions sterling, minus two or three repaid back as indemnity money; our soldiers and sailors have been buried in Celestial soil by thousands, while the impetus we gave to the Rebellion has caused the Chinese to be buried untimely by tens of millions; half the English mercantile houses in China have gone down; and, in return, a few new ports have been uselessly opened, Sir Rutherford Alcock resides at Peking, and the whilom Mr Consul Parkes has been made a K.C.B. Any further progress effected in China during late years has been due to the natural unforced expansion of trade,* which the Chinese value as much as we do ourselves; to the assistance which Colonel Gordon and others have given to the Government in restoring order; and to the legitimate influence which has been exercised by Foreigners such as Sir Frederick Bruce, Mr Burlinghame, and Mr Hart.

The latest reliable returns which I have on the trade of China are in the Blue-book on that country presented to Parliament by her Majesty in February of this year, from which it appears that, in the year 1866, the

We may, however, confidently hope that the China merchants will not be disappointed in regard to the further progress which they desiderate, and especially as regards the right of Foreigners to reside in the interior; the introduction of steam carriage on land, with its further introduction on water; and the development of the mineral resources of the country. Already steamboats are freely used in China by the Government as well as by the mercantile classes; the local Viceroys possess steam gunboats. Docks have been constructed, and at least one arsenal is worked successfully. A college has been established at Peking for the study of European languages and science; a Chinese Commissioner has visited Europe; and the Celestials have appointed a representative, albeit he is a Foreigner, to the Courts of Europe. Further changes, however, are still urgently required. After the questions of over-population and the military organisation of China, there comes the position of the Mandarins. At present they have nothing to fall

estimated value of the trade of China with Foreign countries and coastwise was as follows:

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This may appear to contradict my statement that the Chinese will not pay for articles from abroad, "except out of the profits which accrue from the sale of their own products." One explanation is, that the Chinese do make profits to speak of on their side of the trade; they do not sell tea at less than it costs themselves or otherwise, try to force a trade.

WAN SEE-ANG'S PROPHECY.

381

back upon, in the event of unsuccess in the discharge of their duties, except concealed funds which they may have levied illegally when in office. The highest among them, as well as the lowest, stand in danger of being degraded to intolerable positions simply for want of success; and, consequently, they seek to lay up private funds when in office, regardless of the general interests of their class and of their country. The evils thus arising could easily be obviated by a reconstruction of the Civil Service of China on a footing, in this respect, resembling that of India; and such a change would be the most efficient means of putting an end to any illegal transit-dues which may at present be levied.

What it seems to me we have to dread is, not China hanging back but going too quickly for our own interests and comfort. Wau See-ang is reported to have said some time ago to Mr Hart, "Foreigners complain at present that China is changing too slowly, but fifty years after this you will make war upon us for going too fast." This astute Mandarin was not speaking thoughtlessly. It takes a considerable time to wheel round a very populous and democratic people like the Chinese to an unaccustomed stand-point, but once get them round and their action from it comes to be something tremendous. In Japan, a feudal country, any individual Daimio who takes it into his head may introduce a European improvement, such as the use of steam; but in China the mass of the people must be to a certain extent prepared for the innovation before it can be introduced. Hence progress in some respects is very slow in that country; but what will be the state of the case when the people of China have got fairly turned round to the point of accepting and using the practical appliances of Western civilisation? I doubt whether

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