wicked it is in every statesman, while he holds the honours, and treasures of the kingdom in his hands, not to prefer disinterestedness to corruption, independence to servility, and public good to every consideration of partial and private advantage.

CHAPTER II.

THE SUBJECT CONTINUED.

THIS transient and superficial view of the progress of the constitution has enabled us to discover, that the rays of true liberty first illuminated our Saxon ancestors; the despotism of the Normans suddenly obscured this auspicious morning; but the sun of freedom broke through the gloom, spread its beam over Runny Mead and the plains of Merton, where the barons nobly vindicated their ancient rights from the oppression of their monarchs. The storms of civil war between the houses of York and Lancaster raged with violence for a time, and darkened the political horizon with the most tempestuous clouds. But the glorious sun of liberty again displayed itself at the reformation, was again obscured by the conflict of king and people, and finally shone forth with meridian glory at the revolution.

The gradual progress of liberty in England was not more beneficial with respect to the government of the country, than conductive to the enlargement and freedom of opinion. The powers of the mind were directed with ardour and success to the examination of those rooted prejudices, which had been long received without sufficient reason.

The struggles of contending

factions gave birth to the exertions of Milton, Sidney Locke, and Somers. These writers were the founders of new political schools; and we may rank among their disciples a Montesquieu, a Rousseau, a Voltaire, a Franklin, and a Washington. If ever the American is disposed to boast of the freedom of his country, let him recollect, that the lessons of that freedom were taught him by the parent state. When the French maintain, that the plans of any of their varying forms of democracy, since the revolution of 1789, have originated solely in the abstract principles and deduction of reason, do they not forget that Britain first suggested to their legislators their best and most approved maxims of government: and that even at the present moment, while they boast of enacting the most equitable laws, they transcribe the statute book of this country? When an Englishman asks these questions, he indulges much nobler and more generous feelings than those of vanity or arrogance; for he experiences the most genuine satisfaction to observe, that the blessings he enjoys are not limited to his own country; and while he protests against any deductions which may be made from the principles of his own government, that may disturb social order, and lead to anarchy and confusion, he is happy whenever they are so judiciously reduced to practice as to promote the general welfare of mankind.

In tracing the stream of liberty from its lowest ebb to its highest tide, the different events, which have been brought forward in this short detail, are designed to suggest, rather than to state a variety of useful reflections. It is evident that the British constitution has reached its present state of improvement, not se

much in consequence of the deep and refined speculations of philosophers and politicians, as by the concus. sion of discordant interests, and the hostility of contending parties. The struggles for power before the revolution were very numerous, and in some of them the rights of kings were as flagrantly insulted as those of the people. The measures frequently employed for the destruction of the constitution, particularly in the reign of James II. were the means that ultimately strengthened its powers, and gave fresh vigour to its operations. The auspicious effects and remote tendency of many transactions, which contributed to its improvement, were probably neither foreseen by the agents, nor formed any part of their plans.

From the reign of John to that of William III. every attempt in the form of war, treaty, and accommodation, has been made to narrow the circle, and define the power of the royal prerogative; and the designs of every true. patriot, whenever sincerely directed to the promotion of the good of the community, have ever been ultimately crowned with success. In a period the most disastrous in the modern part of our history viz. the usurpation of Cromwell, the rights of property, which is the basis of our political establishment, were grossly violated by a democratic faction. The populace were roused to arms to serve the ambitious purposes of hypocritical tyrants, and the monarchy was overturned. The events of past ages are recorded in vain, unless they afford useful lessons for the instruction of ourselves and our posterity.

The BRITISH CONSTITUTION deserves the grateful homage of every one who shares its blessings, and presents to the attention of the political speculatists, both

of our own and other countries, the fairest theme of admiration and applause*.

All the advantages of a representative republic are derived from the right of the people to choose their own members of the house of commons, and from the important privileges which those members enjoy.

The house of lords forms a middle link of the po litical chain between the king and the people, and is peculiarly useful, when regarded as a barrier against the usurpations of arbitrary power on the one side, and the encroachments of popular licentiousness on the other. Considered as an assembly appointed for

* "The English, said the illustrious President de Montesquieu, are the most free people that ever were upon earth. England, of all the nations in the world, is that which has known how to make the most (all at the same time) of those three great things, religion, commerce, and liberty." Brissot, who perhaps paid even with his life for the opposition of his actions to his opinions, says in his letter to his constituents, "The English government, which I had investigated upon the spot, appeared to me, in spite of its defects, a model for those nations that were desirous to change their government. The work of M. De Lolme, adds he, which is no more than an ingenious panegyrick upon this excellent constitution, was at that time in the hands of the learned few. It ought to have been made known to my countrymen; for to make it known was to make it beloved." Fas est et ab hoste doceri. Seward's Anecdotes, vol. ii, p. 386, &c. "Happy constitution! which the people who possess it did not suddenly obtain : it has cost them rivers of blood; but they have not purchased it too dear." Vattel in his Law of Nations. See the equa!ly impartial and honourable testimonies of Philip de Comines, Rapin, De Lolme, Frederick of Prussia, Beaumelle, the authors of the Encyclopedie Methodique, &c. &c.

the revision of such measures, as may be brought forward with precipitation, either by the king or the house of commons, they are of the highest importance to the state.

As the king is wholly dependent upon the other branches of the constitution for pecuniary aid, he is debarred from the execution of frivolous or ambitious projects, even were his ministers inclined to suggest them; and can only execute those plans, which are determined by the voice of the majority of his parliament to be conducive to the good of the nation.

The constitution of England includes the essence of the three different forms of government which prevail in the world, without their attendant disadvanta ges; for we have democracy without confusion, aristocracy without rigour, and monarchy without despotism. These principles are so compounded and mixed, as to form a political system, which is capable of producing more freedom, and true independence, than the renowned commonwealths of Athens and Rome could boast, or perhaps than was ever enjoyed by any other state in its highest prosperity and perfection.

Here then we behold that theory reduced to practice, which one great politician of antiquity pronounced to be the best; and which another esteemed to be a fair subject of commendation; and yet if it ever should exist, he maintained that it could not be permanent. The duration, however, of our constitution for so long a period of time, has happily proved, and, by the favour of a gracious Providence, it is devoutly hoped will continue to prove to the most remote times, the fallacy of his prediction.*

*"Esse optime constitutam rempublicam, quæ ex trious generibus illis, regali, optimo, et populari, fit modice