year, by pilgrims, who, after forty days' service, returned to Innocent III, and had rendered great services to the church. their homes. Guy de Montfort, the count's brother, (who He could not sce, without regret, his two sisters, one married had just returned from the Holy Land), the provost of the to the count of Toulouse, the other to his son, stripped of church of Cologne, the archbishop of Rouen, the bishop of their inheritance by Simon de Montfort; or that all the prinLaon, the bishop of Toul, and an archdeacon of Paris, were ces of those provinces, the allies and the vassals of the crown amongst the principal chiefs who, in the year 1212, came to of Aragon, should be ruined; that Simon should have refused range themselves under the banners of Montfort. Their hope to himself the service which he owed for his viscounties of of contributing to the slaughter and punishment of the Albi- Beziers and Carcassonne; and that he had not permitted the genses was not entirely disappointed, but they had no op- other feudatories of the province to render it, even in those portunity of distinguishing themselves by great achievements moments of danger when Spain appeared on the point of sinkin arms. Upon the arrival of these fanatical bands, almost ing under the invasion of the Almohadans; in a word, that he all the castles of the Toulousians were abandoned by their should destroy that dominion, which Don Pedro himself, and inhabitants, who sought a refuge in the cities of Toulouse and the princes of Aragon, his ancestors, had gradually obtained Montauban, almost the only places which they thought proof over the south of Gaul.

against a siege. But the crusade had been preached only for The ambassadors of the king, Don Pedro, at the court of the destruction of heretics; the indulgences of the church Rome, did their utmost therefore to convince the pope that were only promised at this price. All the prelates, who ar- Simon de Montfort was only an ambitious usurper; that, rived in Albigeois surrounded by bigots to whom they had whilst he invoked the name of religion, he thought of nothing promised the forgiveness of their sins, would have thought but his own aggrandisement; that he attacked, indifferently, their vow unfulfilled if they had not avenged God against his catholics and heretics; and that he had changed a crusade rebels. They were, however, forced to content themselves against heresy into a war of extermination against that Prowith such fugitive peasants as they could surprise in the fields, vençal nation of which the king of Aragon prided himself in or some prisoners, taken in the castles which had dared to being the chief.

resist them. Those of Saint Marcel and of Saint Antonin Whether it was that Innocent III had been constantly defurnished them with a considerable number of human victims. ceived by his legates, and that the ambassadors of the king But when Simon de Montfort saw that the greater part of the of Aragon showed him the truth for the first time; or whether population of the countries, where heresy had prevailed, was he felt some pity for the princes and people to whom he had exterminated, and that the remainder had placed themselves already occasioned so much injury; or whether he at last beout of the reach of his attacks, he resolved to take advantage gan to suspect those whom he had rendered too powerful, and of the zeal of the crusaders, by conducting them into Agenois, thought it more conformable to the policy of the church, to whose entire population was catholic, and to make them gain raise from the ground the rival of Simon de Montfort, and optheir indulgences at the siege of la Penne, which, after an ob- pose him to his conqueror, than to complete his ruin; he enstinate resistance, surrendered on the 25th of July. The siege tirely changed his language, in the letters, which, at the beof Boissac, which followed, was remarkable only for the per- ginning of the year 1213, he wrote to his legates and to Montfidy which Montfort compelled its inhabitants to practice. fort.

He refused to grant them their lives, till they had consented 1213. The first of these letters, dated the 18th of Januto sacrifice, with their own hands, three hundred routiers, who ary, is addressed to the legate Arnold, archbishop of Nar formed their garrison, and who had, to that time, valiantly bonne, to the bishop of Riez, and to master Theodise of Gedefended them. On this condition the gates of the city were noa. In this letter Innocent III reproaches them with the opened to him on the 8th of September; and the crusaders, murder of the viscount of Beziers, the usurpation of provincontenting themselves with this carnage, received from the ces, even where there was no heresy, and with the cupidity citizens a sum of money, to save their houses from the flames. they had displayed throughout the whole war. He informs Simon conducted his army, afterwards, into the counties of them that Raymond had surrendered himself, with his son Foix and of Cominges, which he ravaged afresh, whilst the and all his states, into the hands of the king of Aragon, decount Raymond of Toulouse, despoiled of almost all his states, claring that he submitted entirely to the sentence of the passed into Aragon, to implore the intercession of his brother-church; that this king, in possession of such pledges, anin-law, the king Don Pedro, with the court of Rome. nounced, on his part, that he was ready to execute the judg

At the end of November, 1212, Simon de Montfort assem-ment of the church, which he awaited; that he engaged to bled a parliament at Pamiers. Under this title was commonly provide that the son of the count of Toulouse, who had never understood a diet, or conference of lords, who united volun- been suspected of heresy, should be brought up in all the tarily to deliberate and decide upon their own interests. The rigour of the catholic faith; and he undertook that the father parliament of Pamiers was composed of archbishops and should proceed to the Holy Land, or to Spain, according as bishops; of French knights drawn into the country by the the pope should command, to combat the infidels, for the recrusades, or attached to the fortunes of Montfort; of certain mainder of his days. Don Pedro, whose letter Innocent III knights who spoke the provençal language; and of some in-almost entirely copied into his own, only demanded, that they habitants of the principal cities of the country. The general should cease to preach the crusade against a country which of the crusade wished them to draw up statutes, for the gov- had already submitted; that they should not continue to inernment of the conquered provinces, and it was necessary vite the French, by all their spiritual rewards, to exterminate that each order of his new subjects should be represented in the Languedocians; that, whatever determination Innocent III his parliament, that he might ensure their obedience. But should take against the count of Toulouse, they should cease he had also taken care, beforehand, to ensure to himself a to confouud the innocent with the guilty; and that, should great majority. All the bishops were absolutely devoted to they even find Raymond VI in fault, they should not, on that him; the knights-crusaders had no other interest than his; account, punish his son, who was not even suspected, or the the inhabitants of the country were intimidated; and the stat-counts of Foix and of Cominges, and the viscount of Béarn, utes of Pamiers bear the impress of their oppression, and of who had been involved in the war only for having fulfilled the suspicions of the conqueror. Amongst fifty-one articles, their feudal duties towards the count of Toulouse, their lord. some of which, nevertheless, are favourable to the peasants After having inserted in his letter almost the entire contents and lowest classes of society, we may remark the prohibition of that of the king of Aragon, Innocent III reproved his legates to rebuild any of the fortresses which had been destroyed, in a language which they were not accustomed to hear from without the express permission of the count; the order to all him. He reproached them with their cupidity and ambition; the catholic women, whose husbands were amongst the ene- he accused them of having shed the blood of the innocent, mies of Montfort, to quit the estates under his dominion; the and of having invaded lands where heresy had never penetraorder to widows, or heiresses of noble fiefs, to marry none ted; he commanded them to restore to the vassals of the king but Frenchmen, during the space of ten years. These mar- of Aragon, all that they had taken from them, that the king riages, joined to the confiscations and new infeodations which might not be diverted from the war which he was maintainMontfort granted to his creatures, multiplied, in the province, ing against the infidels. Two following letters, written by the noble families of the north of France, who adopted, in the pope to Simon de Montfort, are not less energetic, and their legislation, the customs of Paris, and caused the ex-show no less that the atrocities of the war in Albigeois, were tinction of the greater number of ancient families, who prided at last known at Rome.

themselves on descending either from the Romans or the The king of Aragon obtained equal success in an embassy Goths. that he sent to Philip Augustus. He engaged this king to

It was not in vain that the count of Toulouse took refuge retain his son Louis, who was ready to set out for the cruwith the king of Aragon, and implored his protection at the sade against the Albigenses; he, at the same time, announced court of Rome. This king was held in high consideration by in the Isle of France, in Champagne and Burgundy, that the

pope ceased to encourage this crusade, and exhorted the This was the language consecrated to the gallantry of the faithful rather to march to the relief of the Holy Land. The age; nor is there any reason to believe, as some moderus cardinal, Robert de Courçon, legate of the pope in France, have supposed, that the letter was addressed to one of his declared himself against the continuation of the war; so that sisters married to the two Raymonds of Toulouse. It fell, the bishops of Toulouse and of Carcassonne, who were again however, into the hands of Simon de Montfort. "Our forgoing through the provinces of the North, to arm them tune is not doubtful," he exclaimed, "God is for us. He against those of the South, found much difficulty in issuing has for him only the eyes of his lady." their indulgences. At the same time, a new provincial coun- The king of Aragon, having united his forces with those cil was called at Lavaur, either to hear the justification of of the counts his allies, went to lay siege to the little town Count Raymond, or to accept the submission promised by of Muret, three leagues distant from Toulouse, on the souththe king of Aragon, and to establish peace in the province. west. He arrived before it on the 10th of September. He 1213. But Simon de Montfort had such zealous partisans had joined to his thousand knights of Aragon, those of the in the bishops of the province of Narbonne, he had connected counts of Toulouse, of Foix, of Cominges, and of Gaston de his cause so intimately with theirs, he had taken so much Béarn, which might, at most, form a number equal to his care to provide the monks of Citeaux, the principal instiga- own. But the cavalry of the Pyrenees could not, any more tors of the crusade, with all the pontifical sees which had than that of Spain, be compared with the French cavalry, become vacant, that he was sure of gaining his cause before either in respect to the weight of the armour, or the strength such prejudiced judges as those to whom the pope had re- of the horses. The Spaniards, principally accustomed to ferred it. In fact, the authority of the holy see was never contend with the Mussulmans, had acquired their method of more completely set at nought by its agents. Innocent III fighting; and their squadrons more resembled light cavalry, had repeatedly given positive orders to the bishops of the than the heavy horse of the French. Simon de Montfort, province, to hear, and to judge of, the justifications of count who had assembled his troops at Saverdun, in the countship Raymond; and the bishops assembled at the council of of Foix, had with him about a thousand knights, or serjeants Lavaur, in the month of January, 1213, again explicitly re-at arms. These might be regarded as the flower of French fused to hear him, or to admit any of his justifications. They knighthood; they were men enveloped in iron; and their pretended that the count of Toulouse, by not executing all bodies seemed as iron as their armour. Amongst them was the orders they had given him before, and by causing the distinguished, William des Barres, uterine brother of Montmurder of nearly a thousand Christians, through the war fort, the ancient rival of Richard Coeur-de-lion, and the most which he had maintained against the crusaders, had lost all renowned of all the warriors of France. Many others, withright of pleading his cause. They even refused to extend out equalling him in reputation, did not yield to him either the benefits of the pacification to the counts of Foix and of in strength or courage. Amongst them all, not a heart could Cominges, and to the viscount of Béarn, whom they declared be found susceptible of terror, or accessible to pity. Equally to be supporters of heretics. Above all, they insisted upon inspired by fanaticism and the love of war, they believed the necessity of destroying the city of Toulouse, and of ex-that the sure way to salvation was through the field of carterminating its inhabitants, that they might complete the nage. Seven bishops, who followed the army, had blessed purification of the province. And, as they had this object their standards and their arms, and would be engaged in more at heart than all the others, the fathers of the council prayer for them whilst they were attacking the heretics. first addressed a common letter to the pope, recommending Thus did they advance, indifferent whether to victory or it to him; and then, each prelate wrote to him separately, martyrdom, certain that either would issue in the reward earnestly to press upon him the entire annihilation of that which the hand of God himself had destined for them. city, which they compared to Sodom and Gomorrah, and the Simon de Montfort, passing the Garonne at their head, endestruction of all the villains who had taken refuge in it. tered, without any obstacle, into the town of Muret, and The agreement of all these bishops with Simon de Mont-prepared for battle on the following day, the 12th of Sepfort and his numerous friends, the authority of the crusaders, tember.

of all those who had previously marched to the crusade, and The cavalry, at that time, formed the only force of armies. of all who still intended to do so, made an impression upon A warrior, entirely covered with iron as well as his horse, Innocent III. It was he who had, at first, excited the san- overturning the infantry, piercing them with his heavy lance, guinary spirits which then lorded it over Europe; but he was or cutting them down with his sabre, had nothing to fear from himself, afterwards, the dupe of their concert. It was but the miserable footmen, exposed in every part to his blows, too true, that the whole of Christendom then demanded the scarcely armed with a wretched sword, and who had neither renewal of those scenes of carnage, that it prided itself on the been exercised to discipline or danger. Nevertheless, it was slaughter of the heretics, and that it was in the name of pub- the custom to summon these also to the armies, either that lic opinion that the fathers of Lavaur required new massa- they might labour at the sieges, or that they might despatch cres. Those who had contributed to create such a public the vanquished, after a defeat. Simon de Montfort had asopinion were, however, on that account, only the more guilty. sembled the militia of the cities which were subject to him; Innocent III. deceived by the echo of his own voice, thought Raymond, on his part, had caused the levies of the Toulousthat he had showed too much indulgence. He wrote again ians to march, and these were much the most numerous. to the king of Aragon, the 21st of May, 1213, to revoke all As it was afterwards attempted to find out something miracuthe concessions he had made, to accuse him of having taken lous, both in the disproportion of number, and in the extent of advantage of the Roman court, by a false statement, and to the carnage, the historians of the church affirmed, that the miliconfirm the excommunication of the counts of Toulouse, of tia, under the orders of the king of Aragon, amounted to sixty Cominges, of Foix, and of the viscount of Béarn. thousand men; they allow, however, that they were not enThese negociations, at the court of Rome, had on neither gaged. side suspended the preparations for war; but the number of Simon de Montfort, quitting on the morning of the 12th the French crusaders had diminished, through the pains of September, the gates of Muret, in order to seek his enewhich the king of Aragon had taken to announce the pacifi-mies, did not march strait towards them, but kept along cation of the province, and through the declarations of the the side of Garonne, from the eastern gate, so as to make it pope's legate himself. But the two bishops of Orleans and appear to the king of Aragon and his allies, who were also Auxerre, thought it, on this account, much more their duty under arms, that his design was to escape. But, all at once, to proceed to the aid of Simon de Montfort, and they joined turning sharply upon the army of Don Pedro, he repulsed the him at Carcassonne with many knights from their province. count of Foix, who commanded the advanced guard, and enOn the other hand, the king of Aragon, flattering himself countered the body led by the king of Aragon himself. Two that if his brother-in-law could obtain a victory over Mont-French knights, Alain de Roucy, and Florent de Ville, had fort, he would, by this means, put an end to the vacillations agreed, unitedly to attack the king, to attach themselves of the court of Rome, passed the Pyrenees with a thousand wholly to his person, and to suffer no assailant to divert them knights, and came to join the counts of Toulouse, Foix, and from the pursuit, until they had killed him. Pedro of Aragon Cominges. Don Pedro was at once a brave warrior, a skil- had changed armour with one of his bravest knights. But, ful politician, and an elegant troubadour; he was subject to when the two Frenchmen had, at the same time, broken their no other reproach than that of too passionate a love for wo-lances against him who wore the royal armour, Alain, seeing men. At this very time he wrote to a lady of Toulouse, that him bend under the stroke, cried out immediately, This is it was for her sake he was come to combat the French not the king, for he is a better knight. No truly, that is not knights, that he should be indebted to her beautiful eyes for he, but here he is, instantly replied Don Pedro, who was the valour which he should show in the battle, and that from near at hand. This bold declaration cost him his life. A them he should expect the recompense of his achievements. band of knights, who were waiting the orders of Alain and

Florent, surrounded him immediately, and neither left him, retire to the king of England, to the Holy Land, or to nor suffered him to escape, till they had thrown him lifeless Rome. from his horse. As the French had anticipated, the death of At the very time when the lords of the Albigenses were the king of Arragon occasioned the rout of his army. Simon, thus submitting themselves to the discretion of the church, who had remained at the head of the rear-guard of the cru- a new army of crusaders, conducted by the bishop of Carcassaders did not come up with his enemies till the news of this sonne and the cardinal Robert de Courçon, arrived at Montevent had already circulated amongst them, and he profited pellier. "How great was then the mercy of God," cries by it to press, more vigorously, the three counts, and Gaston the monk of Vaux-Cernay, "for every one may see that the de Béarn, whom he compelled to flight. Arrived at the place pilgrims could have done nothing great without the legate, where Don Pedro had fallen, and where his body was already nor the legate without the pilgrims. In reality the pilgrims stripped by the infantry of the crusaders, it is said, he could would have had but small success, against such numerous enenot forbear shedding a few tears; but this apparent compas-mies, if the legate had not treated with them beforehand. It sion was only the signal for new displays of fury. He fell was then by a dispensation of the divine mercy, that whilst upon the infantry of the Toulousians, who had taken no part the legate, by a pious fraud, cajoled, and enclosed in his nets, in the battle, and who, abandoned by their knights, could the enemies of the faith who were assembled at Narbonne, make no resistance against a powerful cavalry; and hav-the count of Montfort, and the pilgrims who were arrived ing first cut off their retreat, he destroyed nearly the whole, from France, could pass into Agenois, there to crush their eneither by putting them to the sword, or drowning them in the emies, or rather those of Christ. O pious fraud of the legate! waters of the Garonne. O piety full of deceit."

CHAPTER III.

Nevertheless, this treason, which the pious cenobite celebrates with such enthusiasm, does not appear to have produced results proportioned to the admiration with which it inspired him. The campaign was devoted to the besieging and taking of several castles of Quercy and Agenois, some of which made a pretty long resistance, and cost much blood to the crusaders. In the greater part they found no heretics, which re

Submission of the Albigenses-Revolt and New War to the Death duced the soldiers of the church to the necessity of mourn

of Simon de Montfort, 1214-1218.

fully burning the castle, or at the most of only putting the inhabitants to the sword, as in an ordinary war. But at Mau1214. THE activity of Simon de Montfort always seconded rillac they were more happy. "I must not pass it over," his unmeasurable ambition. He never estimated riches and says the monk of Citeaux, "that we found there seven herepower any otherwise than as they might promote the acquisi-tics, of the sect called Waldenses, who being conducted to tion of still greater riches and power. He had never known the legate, and having confessed their incredulity, were any other relaxation from his victories than the preparation seized by our pilgrims, and burned with unspeakable joy.” for new conquests. He had never understood any other way Simon de Montfort did not trust to his arms alone for of rending himself acceptable to God, than by shedding the making conquest. In 1214 he married his son Amaury, to blood of infidels, nor felt any other religious emotion than the Beatrice, daughter of Guigue VI, dauphin of Viennois, in delight of being the spectator of their torments. Neverthe-the hope that she would one day inherit Dauphiny; for this less he gained no extraordinary advantages from the battle of name had then been given to the heritage of the counts of Muret. The crusaders, after that great victory, thought their Albon, which had passed into the house of Burgundy, and task accomplished, and their duty towards God fulfilled, so held from the kingdom of Arles; whilst those lords had that they, with one consent, hastened to their homes. The taken the title of dauphins from their armorial bearings. On court of Rome hesitated, for fear of rendering its creature too the other hand, a provincial council, summoned at Montpowerful. Philip Augustus indirectly placed obstacles to pellier for the month of December, but which did not comthe zeal of the crusaders, by publishing an ordinance to limit mence its sittiugs till the eighth of January, 1215, was to their privileges. He no longer permitted them to withdraw determine the fate of the provinces, formerly occupied by the from the defence of their country, by abstaining from march-counts of Toulouse, of Béarn, and of Cominges, whom the ing at their lord's summons, though he still left them the cardinal legate had reconciled to the church without explainchoice between service and payment. He no longer permit-ing the conditions that he should impose upon them. ted them to decline the jurisdiction of the temporal tribunals, 1215. The inhabitants of Montpellier did not consider their either when they were accused of crimes, or when they lordship as one of those which the council, assembled in their pleaded for their fief or their manor. Besides, the Catalans city, had the right to dispose of. The marriage of Mary, and the Aragonese were indignant at seeing the son of the daughter of William VIII of Montpellier, with Don Pedro of king, whom they had lost, under the tutelage of him who had Aragon, had, in 1204, subjected their city to the king, who shed his father's blood. They had declared war against had been recently killed at Muret. But the inhabitants of Simon de Montfort, and were preparing to attack him on the Montpellier possessed great privileges and a municipal goside of the Pyrenees, whilst their ambassador to Innocent III vernment. For two centuries, at least, they had obeyed was endeavouring to obtain the interference of the court of their own lords residing in their city, to those houses they Rome, in defence of their independence. And they laboured were strongly attached. Nor was it without regret that they so effectually, that Innocent III, by his letter of the 23d of saw themselves transferred to a distant monarch, who governJanuary, 1214, commanded Simon to restore the young Don ed them negligently by a subaltern, and who on all occasions Jayme to his subjects; which order was executed, at Nar- sacrificed their interests to those of his own subjects. When bonne, in the month of April following. Don Pedro was killed, at the battle of Muret, they considered

A new legate, the cardinal Peter of Benevento, had this their connexion with the crown of Aragon as dissolved, and year come to the province. He had fixed his residence at refused to acknowledge his son Don Jayme. At first they Narbonne, and all the lords, who had been so ill treated in thought of forming themselves into a republic, after the exthe last war, had flocked to him to obtain, by his interces- ample of the Italian cities, with whom they had constant.comsion, their reconciliation with the church. Much more ac-mercial intercourse; but those cities acknowledged in the emcommodating, at least in appearance, than his predecessor, peror a supreme lord, whose authority over them had been he re-opened, to them all, the door of the sanctuary. During determined at the peace of Constance. The city of Montpelthe month of April, the counts of Foix, and of Cominges, lier thought it therefore right to place itself in the same relawere reconciled to the church; the same grace was after-tion to king Philip Augustus, the supreme lord of all France. wards extended to Raymond VI, and, at last, to the inhabi- They regarded him as too distant for them to fear any abuse tants of Narbonne and Toulouse. It is true that by the oath of authority, whilst they flattered themselves, that his name which these lords, and the consuls of the cities, took to the only would protect them both against the pretensions of legate, they resigned their bodies and goods to his disposal, the Aragonese, and, what was more to be dreaded, against without any guarantee; they engaged to obey all his orders; the ambition of Simon de Montfort. Philip Augustus, in opened to him all their castles; reserved no lordship; nor fact, consented to take under his safeguard, for five years, the made any stipulations in their own favour. Raymond, who lives of the citizens of Montpellier, their goods, and their city. had previously ceded all his rights to his son, withdrew, at He made, however, this condition, that his protection should the same time, from the Narbonnese castle, the ancient resi- remain only as long as the pope should not give orders to dence of the sovereigns, and went to dwell with his son, as a the crusaders to attack them, for he was resolved not to op simple individual, in a private house at Toulouse, waiting pose his authority to that of the church.

the decision of the sovereign pontiff whether he should It appears that the church formed no projects against them,

and that there was no ground for regarding them as submit- to ravage but that now become their property, they were ted to the jurisdiction of the crusade; but, their orthodoxy greatly alarmed. They feared that Louis, if he once got into was not a sufficient security against the enterprises of Simon the country, would either defend the count of Toulouse, his de Montfort. When all the bishops of the province were near relation, or the rights of the crown, usurped by the assembled in council at Montpellier, to decide upon the so- council of Montpellier. Simon de Montfort went to meet vereignty of the countries conquered by the crusaders, Mont-him at Vienne, and from that time never quitted him. The fort, who wished to direct that assembly, and who looked to it to legate on his side, took care to inform the prince royal, that legitimate those titles, which he held by perfidy and robbery coming, as a crusader and pilgrim, into a country conquered alone, formed also the project of profiting by the conferences by the crusaders, he neither could nor ought to oppose himwhich he might have with the prelates, to obtain possession self, in any thing, to the arrangements which had been made of the city of Montpellier. The citizens, who suspected his by the ecclesiastics.

designs, would not permit his entrance into their city, and But the suspicions of these two ambitious adventurers assigned for these conferences the house of the Templars, were without foundation. Neither prince Louis nor his situated without their walls. But Peter of Benevento, cardi- knights had any political object, but came into the south dinal legate, abusing the respect with which his high dignity solely to fulfil their vows. He visited, in company with Siinspired the guards of the gates, took Simon de Montfort by mon, the cities of Montpellier, Beziers, Carcassonne, and the arm, mingled the two sons of that count, and a great num-Toulouse; he permitted the count of Toulouse and his son to ber of knights, in his suite, and in this manner entered the go and seek an asylum with the king of England; and recity. However, when the citizens of Montpellier saw these turned by Montauban, at which place it appears that Simon knights marching, on horseback, through their streets, a uni- de Montfort took leave of him.

versal cry, to take arms and defend their liberties, soon as- It was now two years since Innocent III had summoned, sembled them in crowds. They barracadoed the streets, and for the year 1215, an ecumenical or general council, in surrounded the church of Notre Dame, where the council which the whole church should be called to decide the great was setting, and Simon de Montfort thought himself happy interests which were then simultaneously in discussion. to escape from the city through a by-way. This, which was the twelfth of the general councils, and the This little check did not prevent Simon de Montfort from fourth of those of Lateran, was composed of seventy-one mesucceeding in the principal object of his ambition. The tropolitans, of four hundred and twelve bishops, and nearly council of Montpellier was composed of five archbishops, of eight hundred abbots. Two of the patriarchs were present, Narbonne, of Auch, of Embrun, of Arles, and of Aix, with and the two others were represented by their deputies. The the bishops their suffragans, to the number of twenty-eight. two orders of the Franciscans, and the Dominicans, those These fathers decreed, with a unanimous consent, as the terrible soldiers of the pope, received then the sanction of the monk of Vaux-Cernay assures us, that Simon de Montfort universal church; a new expedition, for the defence and reshould occupy Toulouse, and all the other conquest which covery of the Holy Land, was resolved upon, which was the the Christian crusaders had made, and should govern them in fifth crusade; some heresies were condemned, and some quality of prince and monarch of the country. Count Ray-canons established for the discipline of the church; and mond VI, who, before every thing, and at any price, wished amongst them we ought particularly to remark the twentyto be reconciled to the church, offered no resistance to this second, which imposed on each Christian, for the first time, decree. He left the monarch, his sovereign, the care of pro- the obligation of confessing himself once in the year, to retesting against so strange an invasion of the secular power.ceive the communion at Easter, and which transformed a He delivered the Narbonnese castle, the palace of the sover- habit of devotion into a duty, the observance of which was, eigns, to the bishop Fouquet, who came with armed men to from that time, enforced by the heaviest penalties. In fine, take possession of it, and went to lodge, with his son and the the council of Lateran put an end to the preaching of the crutwo countesses, at the house of a private individual of Tou-sade against the Albigenses, and disposed of the countries louse, named David de Roaix. The prelate demanded, at the conquered by the crusaders. same time, hostages from the city, and caused to be deliver- Count Raymond VI, his son Raymond VII, and the counts ed to him twelve out of the twenty-four consuls, whom he of Foix and Cominges, had all proceeded to Rome to plead conveyed to Arles. their cause before the assembled church, whilst Simon had, The conquest of the province appeared to be completed. on his part, sent his brother Guy de Montfort. The counts The greater part of the Albigenses, with thousands of Catho-presented to the pope a recommendation from the king of lics, had perished by the executioners. The light of the England; they threw themselves at his knees; they exposed first reformation was extinguished in blood, and even Simon the crying injustice which Montfort had committed against himself was much more occupied with governing his con- them, in contempt of the pontifical authority itself. Many quests, than with exciting new persecutions. But the fathers in the council strenuously defended the persecuted movement impressed on the minds of the people, by the counts; they spoke, with execration, of the horrors commitpreachers of the crusade, did not cease with the suppres-ted in the province, and repeatedly reproached the bishop sion of heresy. There were no longer any Albigenses to sa- Fouquet with having destroyed more than ten thousand percrifice, but thousands of missionaries still continued to ram- sons of the flock committed to his care. Innocent III himble about the towns and villages, stirring up the people, by self appeared touched. He expressed much good-will both promising them the joys of paradise in recompense for the to Raymond VI and his son; but the greater number of the blood they should shed. This new method of gaining indul-fathers were heated by the fanaticism of the crusade, and gences was so much more easy than the crusade to the thought that all disfavour showed to Montfort, would tend to holy land; the expedition might be accomplished with so the discouragement of the faithful; and they at last agreed with little fatigue, expense, or danger, that there was not a knight the pope to publish a decree, which gave to Montfort the cities who did not wish to wash away his sins with the blood of of Toulouse and of Montauban, the countship of Toulouse, the heretics; and thus each spring produced a new swarm and all the countries conquered by the crusaders, reserving to of crusaders. At the commencement of the year 1215, prince Raymond VII the countship of Venaissin and the marquisate Louis, son of Philip Augustus, wished, in his turn, to per- of Provence. The decision respecting the countships of Foix form a pilgrimage and to serve forty days against the Albi- and Cominges was adjourned; but it appears, that the two genses. He arrived at Lyons the 19th of April, with a much counts were provisionally put into possession of their states. more considerable force than he could have assembled, if he We have thus traced the total extinction of the first reforhad only been going to combat temporal enemies, such as mation. The slaughter had been so prodigious, the massathe Flemings or the English. The bishop of Beauvais, the cres so universal, the terror so profound, and of so long duracounts of Saint Paul, of Ponthieu, of Séez, and of Alençon, tion, that the church appeared to have completely attained her the viscount of Melun, the lords of Beaujeu and of Mont-object. The worship of the reformed Albigenses had every morency had desired to participate, with a great number of where ceased. All teaching was become impossible. Almost knights of less illustrious names, in this work of sanctifica- all the doctors of the new church had perished in a frightful tion; and immense was the number of citizens, peasants, manner; and the very small number of those who had sucand adventurers, who had followed his standard, to live for ceeded in escaping the crusaders, had sought an asylum in six weeks at discretion in Languedoc, to pillage houses and the most distant regions, and were able to avoid new persecastles, and to sing, in chorus, the hymn Veni Creator, cutions only by preserving the most absolute silence respectaround the stake at which the heretics were burning. ing their doctrines and their ancient destinies. The private

When Simon de Montfort and the legate were informed of believers, who had not perished by the fire and the sword, or the approach of this army, which was marching against them who had not withdrawn by flight from the scrutiny of the inalthough the war was terminated, and which had no country quisition, knew that they could only save their lives by bury

ing their secret in their own bosoms. For them there were conquered. During all his journey he was received and honno more sermons, no more prayers, no more Christian com- oured as the champion of the faith; the most pious formed munion, no more instruction; even their children were not processions to meet him, and thought themselves happy if made acquainted with their secret sentiments. they could touch his garments. Philip, who was then at

1216. The triumph appeared so complete, that the perse- Pont-de-l'Arche, gave him the most favourable reception, incutors, in the confidence of their victory, became divided, made vested him with the dukedom of Narbonne, the countship of war reciprocally against each other, and were ruined. We Toulouse, and the viscountships of Beziers and Carcassonne, are about to see their errors at the end of the reign of Philip and acknowledged him for his vassal and liegeman. RayAugustus, and, during that of his son, the relaxation of their mond VI had, however, received the absolution of the church, vigilance, and the apparent resurrection of the sect which they and was reconciled to it; but though he was cousin-german had crushed. But, this momentary interruption to the perse- to the king of France, brother-in-law to the emperor Frederie cution served only to render it the more destructive. After and the king of England, father-in-law to Sancho king of the extinction of the fire, some scattered sparks were still con- Navarre, and uncle to the kings of Castille and Aragon, he cealed under the ashes; those who had laboured to extinguish saw himself abandoned by them all; or at least, if the king it, by turning off their attention, permitted those sparks to of England continued to show him some attachment, he could kindle a new flame; and this, having devoured all the com- not render him any assistance.

bustible matter that remained, was then quenched in its turn. A part of Provence, which the house of Toulouse possessed The momentary toleration in Albigeois recalled thither the under the title of marquisate, had been reserved by the counpreachers and the sectaries who had escaped the first massa-cil of Lateran to Raymond VI and his son. Those two princre, and involved them all in the second. ces, returning by Marseilles from that assembly, began by Thus the reformation, of which the church had so much causing the Provençals to acknowledge their authority. They need, the light which was to illuminate the mind, restore to found their ancient subjects much more zealous for their morals their purity, and to reason its empire, was repelled cause, since they had experienced the exactions and arrogance for three whole centuries; and even much longer with regard of the count of Montfort and his Frenchmen. The council of to those nations which spoke the romanesque languages. Lateran had put an end to the crusade against the Albigenses. They had been the first to perceive the necessity of a better No more indulgences were preached, the pious were no longer economy in the church; and the light had appeared at the invited to repair to the South, in order to massacre heretics same time in Italy, in France, and in Spain. The Paterins, already extirpated. Simon de Montfort was reduced to his the Waldenses, the Albigenses, had spread their instructions own forces, or to the mercenaries whom he could enroll.through all the countries which had been comprised in the Marseilles, Tarascon, and Avignon, had declared for the two western empire; whilst the intellect of the Germanic nations Raymonds, and the younger, on taking leave of Innocent III, was not yet sufficiently advanced to admit the new doctrines. had received from this old pope, a sort of acquiescence in his But, the greater part of those preachers of a purer morality attempting to recover his heritage by force. Raymond VII, having perished in the flames of the inquisition, the effort by the aid of the Provençals, formed an army, with which which the romanesque race had made for its amelioration hav- he commenced his operations against Montfort; he began by ing failed, its energy remained long exhausted; the chains the taking of Beaucaire, whose inhabitants opened their gates which had been imposed upon it were drawn tighter by the to him, whilst his father passed into Aragon, to seek for new very effort which had been made to break them; and when succours.

the new reformers appeared, in the sixteenth century, the Raymond VII, though master of the city of Beaucaire, had doctrines, which they proposed to the people, had lost the at- not possession of the castle, where a French garrison still detraction of novelty, and only awakened the terrors which the fended itself. He undertook the siege without suffering himancient chastisements had left in every soul. self to be discouraged by the approach of Montfort, at the The two first leaders of the crusade, those who had signal-head of considerable forces. He was then only nineteen years ised their devotion by the greatest crimes and atrocities, the of age, and he defended the city into which he had entered count of Montfort and the abbot Arnold of Citeaux, quarrelled against that illustrious captain, whilst, before his eyes, he about the division of their conquests. Arnold had seized upon took the castle which Montfort came to relieve. In this douthe rich and powerful archbishopric of Narbonne, to which ble siege, signalized by actions of great valour, the Provenhe pretended that sovereign rights were attached. Simon, in cals made use of Greek fire, the composition of which they

taking possession of the spoils of Raymond VI, had assumed had learned in the Holy Land.

the title of duke of Narbonne as well as that of count of Tou- Raymond VI had, on his side, raised an army in Aragon louse. In this conflict of jurisdictions, the inhabitants of Nar- and Catalonia, and was approaching Toulouse, which had albonne inclined towards the archbishop, which was a sufficient ready declared openly in his favour. But Simon de Montreason for Montfort to accuse them of being suspected of her- fort, who was thus attacked on two opposite frontiers, so that esy, and to demand the demolition of their walls. The arch-his enemies could not communicate together without great bishop opposed it; Simon entered the city by force, in spite difficulty and loss of time, profited by this circumstance to of the opposition of Arnold, and displayed his ducal standard conclude a truce with Raymond VII, and hastened to the dein the viscount's palace. On his part, the archbishop fulminat-fence of his capital. Raymond VI had not force sufficient to ed an excommunication against his ancient colleague, against make head against him, and retired towards the mountains. that Simon de Montfort, who had gloried, on all occasions, in The Toulousians, terrified at the attachment they had shown being the executioner of the excommunicated. During the to their ancient lord, sought pardon of Montfort. All the lords time that Montfort remained at Narbonne, Arnold placed all of the army supported their solicitations; they advised him to the churches of the city under an interdict; a sentence to exact the fifth, or the fourth of their moveable goods, and to which Montfort payed no regard. The death of Innocent III, content himself with this pecuniary punishment, which would whose support Arnold had implored, and the succession of fill his treasury, and give him the power of besieging BeauHonorius III, retarded the decision of this cause, and we know caire anew. But Simon would listen to no other counsels not how it terminated. Simon de Montfort continued, how-than those of the ferocious Fouquet, bishop of Toulouse, a ever, to bear the title of duke of Narbonne, and he threw down prelate who knew no pleasure but that of shedding the blood many parts of the wall of that city, into which he wished to of his flock. "And then," says the old historian of Toulouse, have the power of entering at all times. "spoke the bishop of Toulouse, and thus he said, and made Simon de Montfort's other capital, Toulouse, had no less him to understand, that he should do and finish what he had aversion for its new lord. Simon quitted Narboune to pro- already determined against the Toulousians, assuring him ceed thither, and summoned, for the 7th of March, 1216, an that they would not love him ever so little except by force, assembly of all the inhabitants, in the palace of the counts, and exhorting him to leave them nothing, if once he was to receive their homage and oath of fidelity. In return, he within their city, but to take both goods and people as much and his son engaged towards them, by an oath sufficiently as he could have and hold; for know, my lord, added he, that, vague, to observe all their franchises. Nevertheless, he ap-if you do thus, it will be late before you repent of it." peared to trust much more to force than to the affection of To preach ferocity, was not all the labour of the bishop the inhabitants, for the guarantee of their obedience; and for Fouquet; he took upon himself, besides, to facilitate, by per this purpose, he laboured with activity, on the one hand, to fidy, the execution of his counsels. He entered the city as a augment the fortifications of the Narbonnese castle, and on messenger of peace; "In order that I may, said he to the the other, to ruin those of the city and its suburbs. Whilst count, make all the people come out to meet you, that you these two works were going on, he set out, in the month of may seize and take them, which you could not do in the city." April, for the court of Philip Augustus, to receive, from that In fact he solicited his flock to apply, by successive deputa monarch, the investiture of the fiefs which the crusaders had tions of men, women, and children, to the count de Montfort,