1755. that is only my own guess. Lord Tavistock dined tête-à-tête with me, and would have wrote to-night, but that I showed him my letter, which he said he thought was a full surfeit by one post. I beg to trouble your Grace with my best compliments to the Duchess and Lady Caroline, and to add that I am, &c. MR. FOX TO THE DUKE OF BEDFORD. My Lord Duke, December 16. 1755. I called upon your Grace this evening, and will be at Bedford House to-morrow morning before eleven, if I do not hear from your Grace that it will be inconvenient. H. M. has gone to the utmost of your Grace's and Lord Gower's expectation, and I hope your Grace will be at liberty to make Lord Chancellor a visit to-morrow night, and to see H. M. on Thursday morning. I must refer your Grace for particulars till to-morrow morning, as I write this both in haste and in company. I am, &c. On the 6th of March 1754 died, after an illness which was not known to be dangerous, Henry Pelham, First Lord of the Treasury and Chancellor of the Exchequer. Together with these offices, he led the ministerial party in the House of Commons, and had thus occupied, if he did not fill, the station, held before his time by Walpole, and since by Lord North and Mr. Pitt. The chief defect of Pelham was his timidity. Superior to his brother Newcastle, in sense, prudence, and honesty, he was his inferior in boldness. Hence his authority was never paramount in the Cabinet, and when he succeeded in promoting a great measure, such as the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle, it was rather by the assistance of some of his colleagues, who took the same view with himself, than by his own weight in the ministry. Still it must be remembered that Pelham was the politician most favoured by Sir Robert Walpole after his own retirement, and the bitter invectives of Lord Orford cannot be put in comparison with the solid testimony of his wiser father. Pelham, like Walpole, made peace and the public credit his chief objects, and his efforts were so far successful that his remon strances shortened the war, and his knowledge of finance enabled him to reduce the interest of the national debt. In one respect he excelled Walpole ; he kept back his rivals without driving them into opposition. His management of the House of 1755. 1755. Commons was more stained with corruption than that of his master; but he threw a cloak of decorum over vices which Walpole took no pains to dissemble. The succession immediately occupied the thoughts of busy and ambitious men. Pelham died at six in the morning, and between seven and eight Fox called on Lord Hartington to put in for the great prize. * The struggle of more than three years which ensued has been related at length by Horace Walpole, and its leading events described by later writers. A very short summary will serve to explain the correspondence in this volume which refers to these events. At the time of Mr. Pelham's death, Mr. Fox was Secretary at War, Mr. Pitt, Paymaster of the Forces, Mr. Murray, Attorney-general. The three most distinguished men in the House of Commons, therefore, being all in office, it seemed impossible to avoid giving the first place in that House and the complete confidence of the Crown to one of these distinguished men. Yet the envy and cunning of Newcastle enabled him for a time to baffle all three. The first sent for was Mr. Fox. Mr. Fox well knew his own power as the first debater in the House of Commons, weighty and logical in argument, keen and sarcastic in reply, equal by his capacity to great affairs, and acquainted with the byeways as well as the highways of politics. The *Lord Melcombe's Diary. Thackeray's Life of Lord ChatSee especially the Review of ham, by Mr. Macaulay. Duke of Newcastle offered him the post of Secre- 1755. tary of State, the lead of the House of Commons, and a seat in the Cabinet. So far all was fair; but a further question remained behind. According to the abominable system of those days, the secret-service money was employed in buying members of parliament. As a part of the same system, the treasury boroughs were filled by the nomination of the friends of the minister. It was naturally expected by Mr. Fox that he should share in the confidence of the Prime Minister respecting these secret means of government, as well as in the preparation and defence of public measures. But the power of Newcastle was founded on the purchase of boroughs and members of parliament. Others could write as good despatches; others could make more eloquent speeches: it was in jobbing and bargaining that he stood unrivalled. Perhaps he struggled with himself to permit a share of this foul influence to Mr. Fox, but however that may be, after promising one day to communicate every thing, he positively declared the next day that he would keep bribes and boroughs entirely in his own hand, and that Mr. Fox need give himself no concern in the matter. Fox now held himself insulted, and, much to the displeasure of the King, declined the seals. Pitt was in bad health, and was obnoxious; Murray looked to the security of the Bench, and had no wish to encounter Fox and Pitt as the deputy of Newcastle. Was the boasted constitution of England, how 1755. ever, so speedily corrupted to rottenness that all the ablest men in the House of Commons could be set aside by a trafficker in venal votes? The progress of events furnishes a solution to this question. For a time all was apparently easy. Sir Thomas Robinson, who knew the routine of foreign affairs, was made Secretary of State, and with Legge, Chancellor of the Exchequer, was appointed to lead the House of Commons. Pitt felt the affront, and said openly that Mr. Fox should have been made leader. Neither he nor Fox resigned their offices, but both thought themselves at liberty to treat with contempt, and expose to laughter, the Secretary of State. On the occasion of an election petition, Sir Thomas Robinson happened to say that the next would be a short case, for it presented no difficulty. Pitt fiercely blamed this light and ignorant way of speaking, and Fox, ironically excusing Robinson on the ground of his inexperience, said he hoped he would be the last great man, as he had been the first to use the influence of his high station to prejudge a case that was unheard. Pitt had said in private, "he lead us! the Duke might as well send his jack-boot to lead us!" And so indeed it appeared. Another scene which occurred on a previous day during this interregnum is so well described by Walpole, that I cannot do better than copy his account. "Another petition being in agitation, the House, thin and idle, a younger Delaval had spoken pom |