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LIVI is here used for the later LIVII. So generally throughout this edition the contracted form of the genitive of words in -ius and -ium will be found ; e. g. Appi, imperi, fili, for the later forms Appii, imperii, filii. So in Virgil we have, “Capitoli inmobile saxum ;” and in Horace, “Vis consili expers.”
i. The character and causes of the second Punic war.—in parte .. scriptores, “It may be permitted me to premise, with respect to a part of my work, what many historians have announced at the beginning of their entire undertaking.' Plerique is here equivalent to multi ; as in x. 31 : “in exercitu Appi Claudi plerosque fulminibus ictos nuntiatum est.” The historian specially referred to is, no doubt, Thucydides. See the first chapter of his History.—summae totius answers to tñs oans ouvtáčews in Polybius, iii. 1. Livy adduces four reasons why this war was the greatest ever carried on: (1) The nations that now engaged in conflict were the mightiest the world had ever seen, and were then, each of them, at the summit of their strength. (2) They had already measured their might against each other, and knew what each could do. (3) The conflict was so long and doubtful, that the victors were at one time (just after the battle of Canna) nearer ruin than the vanquished were at the very time when (just after the battle of Zama) they finally succumbed. (4) They fought with the fury of hate ; the Romans being indignant that the once conquered Carthaginians should assume the offensive (ultro inferrent arma) against their former conquerors, and the Carthaginians being equally enraged at the haughtiness and rapacity of the Romans.-belli artes inter se conserere is a phrase formed after the model of manus inter se conserere.—fuerint is the aorist, not the present perfect; they were, not they have been.-propius periculum . . . vicerunt : periculum is the accusative after propius. For a similar sentiment see Silius Italicus, i. 13 : propiusque fuere periclo, Queis superare datum.-perfecto A frico bello. The war referred to was one waged between the Carthaginians on the one side, and the mercenaries whom they were not in a condition to pay, together with the native African tribes, from whom they had extorted such vast sums for the prosecution of the war, on the other. The genius of Hamilcar enabled the Carthaginians to emerge victorious, after a desperate and bloody struggle. Sacrificaret must, of course, refer, not to Hannibal, the previous subject of the sentence, but to Hamilcar.—Sicilia Sardiniaque amisse. Sicily was given up by the Carthaginians when they sued for peace, in consequence of the celebrated naval victory of Ægusa gained over them by the Roman consul, Caius Lutatius Catulus. Sardinia and Corsica were torn from them three years afterwards by the Romans, from a mean jealousy at the successful
issue of the African war just mentioned. At the same time the Carthaginians were compelled to pay 12,000 talents for injuries which they had never committed, and hostile intentions which they had never entertained. Rerum is the objective genitive.—inter motum Africce. This is not strictly the case. The Romans behaved with forbearance while the African disturbances lasted. Their jealousy was not roused till they saw Hamilcar's skill triumphant.
ii. The progress of the Carthaginians in Spain.—anxius, from angere, to choke. -per quinque annos.
This is not correct. The war lasted three years and four months.--augendo imperio is the ablative, governed by in understood.-flore ætatis . . . adscitus, “beloved by him on account of the beauty of his person, and then adopted by him as his son-in-law, on account of his other, that is to say, his mental qualities.”—provecto annis, the common reading for profecto animi, is open to several objections, and is besides only a conjecture, supported by no manuscript. — factionis Barcinæ. The Barcine faction was so called from Barca, the surname of the great Hamilcar Barca, who is here represented by Livy, in a point of view taken from Roman history, as having formed a party hostile to Rome out of the army and the commons, and opposed to the chief men of Carthage. In the next chapter, however, he is compelled to acknowledge that the party so formed had the majority in the senate too.
In fact, there can be no doubt that Hamilcar's policy was the only noble policy, and that the sleepless rapacity of Rome was too patent to be overlooked by any one who loved his country better than his shop.-quoque is here used rather than etiam, because Livy would represent that the barbarian had the same composure of countenance, both when he was seized and when he was tortured. Præbuerit is the aorist, not the present perfect. Livy frequently employs this tense after ut, when it implies a consequence, not a purpose (see Arnold's Lat. Pr. Comp., 418), where most writers would use the past imperfect, in order to give a greater historic prominence to the consequence, and show that it actually did happen.-fædus. The treaty concluded to put an end to the first Punic war.- finis utriusque . . . Iberus. This statement is calculated to mislead. The Romans had no actual possessions, though they had allies, in Spain at the time alluded to. The agreement was, that the Carthaginians should not extend their conquests to the east of the Ebro.—Saguntinis, the people of Saguntum, a town lying nearly a hundred miles south-west of the Ebro, though Polybius and Livy seem to have thought it was just to the east of it. On its site is the modern town of Murviedro, so called from the remains of the ancient walls (muri veteres). Partly founded on the geographical mistake just noted, is the assertion of Livy, that in this new treaty with Hasdrubal was a clause stipulating that the Saguntines, being between the dominions of the two powers, should retain their liberty. This, however, is probably a pure invention to put the Carthaginians decidedly in the wrong, for Polybius never mentions the circumstance. iii. Hannibal succeeds Hasdrubal as general.-in Hasdrubalis locum
sequeretur. This sentence is not strictly grammatical. In Hasdrubalis locum ought to have been closely connected with appellatus erat in the relative clause, instead of standing, as it now does, in the principal clause. It was placed at the commencement for the sake of emphasis, and the construction was not altered to suit its new position.-vixdum puberem. Hannibal was at this time at least twenty-two years of age. He was nine when his father Hamilcar went to Spain, eighteen when his father died, and twenty-two or twenty-three when Hasdrubal is represented, about three years before his death, as sending for him to be his lieutenant. This statement, therefore, is a proof of Livy's carelessness. -Hanno, surnamed the Great, though for what reason it is difficult to discover. He was the constant leader of the opponents of the Barcine faction. The speech is, without doubt, an entire fabrication. Livy himself tells us (xxx. 37) afterwards that Hannibal never saw Carthage from the time he left it at nine years of age to go to Spain, till he returned a little before the battle of Zama. The two passages were probably copied from different authors with Livy's usual carelessness of fact, and love for what would produce a fine dramatic situation. Two reasons are suggested in the speech for keeping Hannibal at home : (1) That his morals may not be corrupted by Hasdrubal. (2) That he may learn to respect law and order from an enforced submission to civil magistrates. -- prætorum, derived from præ, before, and the termination tor, and therefore readily applicable to leaders of armies. Hence consuls at Rome were first called prætores. — regni paterni and regis are used invidiously for imperi paterni and ducis, though it is quite true that, as Spain had been chiefly acquired by Hamilcar and his son-in-law, and the Spaniards had been personally attached to Hamilcar, and were now equally so to Hasdrubal, the power wielded by both of them was far more kingly than that ordinarily at the command of a Carthaginian general.-quandoque, “at some time or other.”
iv. Hannibal's character. — ac, “and indeed,” is another form of atque=adque, and subjoins the more important ferme optimus quisque to explain pauci. It is worth while to notice how many terms significative of moral worth have in all languages been used to signify adhesion to the cause of the few. Optimus here does not mean “best morally,” but “ best politically, siding with the aristocratic party.” So, also, meliorem partem in the next line. —vultu. vultus, is the upper part, os the lower part of the face.-in se. Se is the ablative. Malle, confidere, audere are historical infinitives; that is, they are used instead of the past imperfect indicative, as is often the case in historical writing, to bring the various portions of the scene forward in quick succession.-fortiter ac strenue, with courage and activity.”—custodias stationesque. The former word signifies a smaller number of troops, guarding at intervals within the fortifications. By the latter is signified a greater number, engaged on outpost duty.- inter æquales : inter æqualium vestitum. inhumana crudelitas, perfidia plus quam Punica. Both these charges I believe to be false. Polybius (ix. 24) expressly denies both. The Romans were never to be believed about an enemy. There is no doubt that Hannibal never did anything one-fiftieth part so bad as the crime of which the whole Roman people were guilty, in snatching Sardinia and Corsica from Carthage on a lying pretext, in a moment of intense temporary weakness. Had Carthaginian accounts come down to us, Roman faith, not Punic, would have been another name for perfidy.-nihil veri, nihil sancti ... nulla religio. The Romans had no words in their language to express such abstract notions as untruthfulness, ungodliness, perjury, &c., because they were not untruthful, ungodly, or perjured, at the time their language was formed. Hence the notions are here expressed by circumlocutions, with the help of the negative words nihil and nullus. That these statements are not true has been already asserted, partly on the authority of Polybius. But Livy himself disproves some of them by his own statements in xxi. 21, 22; in xxv. 17 ; xxvii. 28 ; &c.
v. Hannibal prepares to besiege Saguntum.-quia ... Romana arma movebantur=non dubium erat quin futurum esset ut Romana arma moverentur. There was no doubt that, if Hannibal attacked Saguntum without any pretext, the Romans would be able to prove indisputably to his countrymen that he was altogether in the wrong. Therefore he began to make a pretext, by stirring up the people round about, and involving them in quarrels with the Saguntines. - Olcadum. The Olcades lived to the north of New Carthage, near the source of the Guadiana.—ultra Hiberum. To the south of the Ebro ; beyond it, to an inhabitant of Rome. -rerum serie . . . jungendoque=ad conjungendam domitarum gentium seriem, “that he might seem to have been drawn on to round off his dominion by the course of events, and the successive annexation of all the neighbouring tribes.”—Cartalam. The correct name, Althæa, is given by Polybius (iii. 13).—Carthaginem novam. A town built south of C. Palos by Hasdrubal, the son-in-law of Hamilcar, in the immediate neighbourhood of the richest silver mines in Spain. It was called New Carthage, to distinguish it from the African Carthage, though the word Carthage itself means New City, and therefore Carthago nova=urbs nova nova. Carthago nova was the chief of all the Carthaginian possessions in Spain ; its site is now occupied by the modern Cartagena.—civium. There were very few of Hannibal's fellow-citizens in his army to pay. Livy was thinking of the composition of the Roman armies. The Carthaginian armies consisted all but exclusively of mercenaries. The citizens of Carthage itself were too fond of money-making and luxury to like soldiering. Hence it was that they fell before the warrior citizens of Rome, just as in mediæval times, the silken Italians, for the same reason, fell before the iron legions of France, Germany, and Spain.— Vaccæos. The Vaccæi dwelt on the Douro; Salmantica, the modern Salamanca, was their capital. This is, as far as we know, the furthest to which the Carthaginians ever pushed their conquests in Spain in that direction. The use of the preposition in, instead of ad, before Vaccæos, shows that the name of the nation is here used as the name of the place in which the nation lives. So ex is often used instead of a or ab.—Carpetanos. One of the most powerful tribes of Spain, inhabiting a great part of Old and New Castile.—ab hostibus, “on the part of the enemy.” — valloque ita producto, “and his rampart having been only just so far removed from the river that ..."-adpendicibus. This word is used to show that the great majority of the Spanish army was Carpetanian. A mere handful comparatively were Olcades and Vaccæi.-inmissa, sent in ” by Hannibal.- medioque alveo, "in the middle of the channel.”—vix vudo fidens, “hardly daring to step firmly in the shallow part of the river.”-amni is ablative for the commoner amne. So we find in cap. xlv. Maharbali for Maharbale—tanto pavore=in tanto pavore; “ before they could free themselves of the fear in which they still were.”—fugam ex ripa fecit=fecit ut ex ripa fugerent.—et jam omnia . Carthaginiensium erant. So Polybius, iii. 14. ών ηττηθέντων ουδείς έτι των εντός Ιβηρος ποταμού ραδίως προς αυτούς αντοφθαλμεϊν ετόλμα πλήν Ζακανθαίων. .
vi. The Saguntines send ambassadors to Rome to sue for protection.ceterum is often used by Livy, especially after non in the sense of sed.-Turdetanis. The Turdetani dwelt between the Guadalquiver and Guadiana, about Seville. It is difficult, therefore, to imagine how a tribe, living the whole breadth of the peninsula from the Saguntines, could have picked a quarrel with them. Hence Niebuhr wishes to read Edetanis for Turdetanis ; the Edetani being a tribe close to Saguntum, in Valencia and Arragon, and being then, without doubt, under Carthaginian influence. This is the more possible, as Polybius does not mention the matter at all, and Appian, though he calls them by another name, Τορβoλήτας, adds οι γείτονές