The feudal system grew in a great measure out of the necessities of the infant empire. As the rude tribes were pushed backwards from its growing limits, they would the more fiercely endeavor to resist further encroachment. The measure was sometimes taken of removing them to other distant sites, according to the policy on which the Kings of Assyria and Babylon dealt with Israel and Judah. So Shun is reported to have carried away the San-mëaun. But the Chinese empire was too young, and insufficiently established itself, to pursue this plan generally; and each State therefore was formed with a military constitution of its own, to defend the marches against the irruptions of the barbarians.

What was designed to be the Central State of the empire was the appanage of the sovereign himself, and was of the same dimensions as one of the largest of the feudatory States. Over this he ruled like one of the other princes in their several dominions, and he received likewise a certain amount of revenue from all the rest of the country, while the nobles were bound to do him military service whenever called upon. He maintained also a court of great ministers, who superintended the government of the whole empire. The princes were little kings within their own States, and had the power of life and death over the people. They practiced the system of sub-infeudation, but their assignments of lands were required to have the imperial sanction.

It was the rule under the Chow dynasty that the princes should repair to the court every five years, to give an account of their administration of their governments; and that the emperor should make a general tour through the country every twelve years, to see for

himself how they performed their duties. We read in the Canon of Shun that he made a tour of inspection once in five years, and that the princes appeared at court during the intermediate four. As the empire enlarged, the imperial progresses would naturally become less frequent. By this arrangement it was endeavored to maintain a uniformity of administration and customs throughout the States. The various ceremonies to be observed in marriages, funerals and mourning, hospitalities, religious worship, and the conduct of hostilities; the measure of capacity, length, weight, etc; and the written characters of the language; these were all determined in imperial prerogative. To innovate in them was a capital offense.

The above is an imperfect outline of the feudal constitution of the ancient empire of China, which was far from enjoying peace and prosperity under it. According to the received accounts, the three dynasties of Hea, Shang, and Chow were established, one after another, by princes of great virtue and force of character, aided in each case by a minister of consummate ability and loyal devotion. Their successors invariably became feeble and worthless. After a few reigns, the imperial rule slackened. Throughout the States there came assumptions and oppressions, each prince doing what was right in his own eyes, without fear of his suzerain. The wild tribes round about waxed bold, and kept up a constant excitement and terror by their incursions. Then would come an exceptional reign of more than usual vigor, and a partial order would be established; but the brief prosperity was only like a blink of sunshine in a day of gloom. In the Shoo, the termination of the dy

nasties of Hea and Shang is attributed to the wickedness of their last emperors. After a long array of feeble princes there suddenly appear on the throne men of gigantic physical strength, the most daring insolence, and the wildest debaucheries, having neither piety nor truth; and in contrast with them are princes whose fathers have for several generations been attracting general notice by their righteousness and benevolence. When heaven and men can no longer bear the iniquity of the tyrants, the standard of revolt is raised, and the empire speedily comes under a new rule. These accounts are no doubt much exaggerated and embellished. Kee and Show

were not such monsters of vice, nor were T'ang and Woo such prodigies of virtue. More likely is it that the earlier dynasties died out, like that of Chow, from sheer exhaustion, and that their last sovereigns were weaklings like king Nau, rather than tyrants.

The practice of polygamy, which was as old as Yaou, was a constant source of disorder. A favorite concubine plays a conspicuous part in the downfall of the dynasties of Shang and Hea, and another signalizes a calamitous epoch in that of Chow. In the various States this system was ever giving rise to jealousies, factions, usurpations, and abominations which cannot be told. No nation where polygamy exists can long be prosperous or powerful. In a feudal empire its operation must be peculiarly disastrous.

The teachings of Confucius in the Chow dynasty could not arrest the progress of degeneracy and dissolution in a single State. His inculcation of the relations of society, and the duties belonging to them, had no power. His eulogies of the ancient sages were only the

worse.

lighting up in the political firmament of so many suns which communicated no heat. Things waxed worse and The pictures which Mencius draws of the misery of his times are frightful. What he auspiced from the doctrines and labors of his master never came to pass. The ancient feudal empire was extinguished amid universal anarchy, in seas of blood.

The character and achievements of the founder of the Ts'in dynasty have not yet received from historians the attention which they deserve. He destroyed the feudal system of China, and introduced in its room the modern despotic empire, which has now lasted rather more than 2,000 years.

The ancient empire of China passed away, having been weighed in the balances and found wanting. Under the system of rule which superseded it, the boundaries of the empire have been grandly extended, and the people have gradually increased. Now, however, it would seem to be likewise approaching its end. It would not have endured so long but for the position of the country at the extremity of the Asiatic continent. Its neighbors were not more powerful than itself, and they were less civilized. Once and again the country has been overrun and subjugated by the descendants of the tribes which disputed the possession of the soil with its earliest colonists; but it has subdued them in its turn by its greater cultivation, and they have become more Chinese than the Chinese themselves. The changes of dynasty since the end of the old empire, or classical period, have not been revolutions, but only substitutions of one set of rulers for another. In the present century, new relations have arisen between China and the rest of the

world. Christian nations of the West have come into rude contact with it. In vain did it fall back on the tradition of the "Middle State," and proclaim its right to their homage. The prestige of its greatness has vanished before a few ships of war, and the presence of a few thousand soldiers. The despotic empire will shortly pass away as the feudal one did, but with less "hideous ruin and combustion." It is needless to speculate on the probabilities of the future. God will be his own interpreter. China, separated from the rest of the world, and without the light of revelation, has played its part, and brought forth its lesson, which will not, I trust, be long without their fitting exposition. Whether it is to be a dependent or independent nation in the future, to be broken up, or remain united, the first condition to happiness and prosperity is humility on the part of its scholars and rulers. Till they are brought to look at their own history and their sages, falsely so called, according to a true estimate, and to cease from their blind admiration of them, there is no hope for the country.