he receives no sympathy in Washington, he takes it upon himself to discuss the true sense of our Constitution, and the policy of the Father of our Republic, and even to appeal to the sovereign people against their legitimate government, and thereby to plant the banner of discord in our own camp!! But he will not succeed. Americans, and their representatives at Washington have by far too much sound practical tact, by far too much selfrespect to permit themselves to be carried away blindly by a never so eloquent Magyar, and by the passing enthusiasm of the New-Yorkers, and laws and duties prescribed to them by convivial associations in champagne-intoxication. After a great excitement, there always follows sooner or later a great reaction, after giddy intoxication sober reflection with a feeling of shame, and a resolution for improvement. So it will happen in this ca e, and we have no doubt, but that Kossuth yet before he leaves the United States, will see himself powerfully disappointed, in the public opinion of this country, which is not to be found upon the surface of the radical city-press, that lives in the elearnt of excitement, but in the true substance of the nation. We do not mean by this that his whole business will dissolve itself into mere humbug. This we ourselves by no means wish for the sake of our government, which now has committed itself at any rate so far, that it has expressed a generous sympathy for Kossuth, and his fellow exiles, and cannot take back the step already made. The United States can never make common cause with the principle of Despotism: she should and she must as the chief supporter of free institutions, sympathize freely with unjustly oppressed nations, with all constitutional struggles for national independence, and legitimate freedom, and afford a hospitable asylum for the persecuted. But this we believe and wish, that the demands of Kossuth will soon be brought within bounds, and that we may come more and more to a proper insight into the difference between constitutional freedom, and its caricature, lawless arbitrariness, which is only the counter-part of the worst despotism. It is not our object to throw further light upon the extravagance of these demands, which makes them an impossibility, as this article has already grown beyond its originally intended limits. In conclusion, I wish to throw out only a few short hints. 1. Kossuth desires of our Government a declaration of the independence of Hungary, and titles and carries himself always still as the Governor of that country. Such a declaration would 'It is an incomprehensible diplomatic misconception of President Fill be plainly a political falsehood, for Hungary is just as much subject to Austria in fact, as Canada to England, Cuba to Spain, and States, in their mutual intercourse; have to deal only with actual circumstances, and not with past facts, or with future possibilities. 2. He desires a radical change in our hitherto neutral policy in reference to other nations, and an alliance of our Government with the English to prevent Russia and other despotic powers from interfering with the internal affairs of Hungary or of any other nation struggling for in lependence. Kossuth calls this the principle of non-intervention," but it would be in truth the intervention of free nations, 15 preveat the intervention of despode nions, so that the realiz dion of such an alliance between the United States and Euglan 1, can be thought of only in an entirely extraordinary case, where the interests of both sides are at stake, and a mere unied proto-t to the Czar would pass over without effect. For that he is so eesy to intimidate, es Kos uth thinks, to one will believe, who is acquainted with Russia, which from without is absolutely invincible, as Napoleon's campaiza shows, and whose colossad physical strength can be broken only by the uprising of her own population, arcused to the conscious of freedom. Such a protest must therefore, to pʊssess ar y partied si, pilence at all, pass into armed invasion. But dis would be the surest way, to entangle Europe in a murderous war and nameless misery, and to convert also our own freedom at last into a military despotism. There is, however, no danger, that our government will so soon forget the counsel of the wise Washh. Hou, and give up her peaceful policy of neutrality, under which the United States have grown with unexampled rapidity to their present power, in favor of Utopian liberty-projects, which can be reached least of all precisely by improper internedding with other peoples' affairs. 3. Kossuth asks very pressingly on every occasion for "substantial material" aid for a new revolt of Hungary against the Imperial House of Hapsburg, and already considerable sums have been handed in by his admirers-(in New-York alone over $30,000). We may here recognize the prompt and cheer more, when in his last Message he gives three times in a short paragraph the fugitive Ex-Governor the title of Governor, as if he were still Governor, and this stands in striking contradiction with his unconditional condemnation of the piratical expedition against Cuba and of its leader Lopez, to whom no title at all is given. Much more considerately Congress in its resolutions of welcome left out altogether the title. ful liberality and zeal of Americans for the spread of free institutions as something praiseworthy, but must at the same time with a somewhat more thorough acquaintance with European affairs, decidedly express our doubts, whether these gifts, even if they were to swell to millions, would accomplish the desired object. It is an entirely abstract, we might say, absolutely unhistorical view, to believe, that Europe could do no better, than hastily to copy after American institutions and affairs. This is just as unwise, as if a person should wish Asia to become European, or call the middle ages to account, because they were not Protestant in the modern sense. Every land, every nation, and every age has its own peculiar problem to solve. And we ourselves have not yet reached the end of our development, and have no reason to boast of perfection. But even if we should wish that Europe should have free institutions, as we ourselves out of honest conviction do,-for we are a free-born republican, as well as any American,-the question in the first place arises, whether the proposed method of a bloody revolution, and the triumph of European Radicalism, would contribute anything thereto, or not much rather draw after it a new and a much worse radicalism. This is the most important point, and it cannot be sufficiently impressed upon Americans. They are, upon their own principles, entirely conservative, and regard freedom as being ever in connection with order, and obedience to the laws. The European democracy, however, which Kossuth also in principle professes, if even in character he is distinct and appears to advantage, is in general licentious radicalism, and its leaders in France, Germany and Italy are the sworn enemies of the church, of the christian faith, and of all higher moral ground-work. It is but necessary to cast a glance at German political fugitives in New-York, Philadelphia, Cincinnati, &c., at their drinking-clubs, at their newspaper-literature, and other productions, among which a translation of the profane theological writings of Tom Paine especially stands forth very prominent, in order to be convinced of this. This entire want of moral and religious substance is the chief ground, why the revolutions of 1848 failed so lamentably. If the choice of Europe were between Russian and Austrian despotism on the one side, and the national and legitimate freedom of England, and of the United States on the other side, we should naturally, without limitation, with head and heart prefer the latter. But if the alternative be between the despotism of order, and the despotism of anarchy, we should choose the first as the less evil. And this indeed alas, appears at present to be the true position of things on the European continent. The triumph of the revolutionary party there, to judge from the character of their present leaders, if single honorable exceptions are made, among whom we may very cheerfully number Kossuth, would most probably bring Europe not only no freedom, but plunge it into a dreadful civil war, threaten it with the destruction of its civilization, with universal anarchy, and a new barbarism, and hasten directly by this means the final triumph of Russian Panslavism, as the only deliverer of society from entire destruction. This is not only our apprehension, but that also of the best and wisest men, who live on the theatre of the events themselves, and understand their bearings better than the majority of our American politicians and newspaper editors. True civil and religious liberty is the greatest blessing, but religious and moral licentiousness the greatest curse, that can happen to a nation. From such an evil, may God in mercy defend Europe and America! Mercersburg, Pa. T. A. P. S. This article was written in the middle of December last, when Kossuth was yet in New-York. Since, that time it has become apparent, that the present Congress of the United States has fortunately too much good sense and conservative spirit, to grant any of his requests; but there is still great danger that many of our unprincipled politicians and demagogues, who have adopted his views on international policy, will try their best by flattering the warlike propensities of the worst part of our population, to ride into power, to involve this country in foreign quarrels and to prepare the ruin of the very liberties, which are our boast. Beware of the tempter! EUREKA. EUREKA; or the Universe; A Prose Foem. By EDGAR A. POE. New-York: Geo. P. Putnam. 1848. Pp. 143. In his It seems a pity that a solution of the enigma of the Universe, propounded in the most oracular style, should have lain for three years in comparative obscurity, and not have been proclaimed abroad everywhere in the ears of the thinking wodd. The solution of the problem over which the ancient mathematician cried Eureka," has long since become incorporated into the fabric of human knowledge; and in a later day the discoveries of Leverrier and Kirkwood soon became common intellectual property. But here is an announced solution of the great problem with which the intellectual Titans of all ages have been wrestling, and yet it seems doomed to a longer or shorter oblivion. A common failing of a certain order of genius is the want of mode ty. Assuming its inspiration, and assuming that to the glances of its intubive eye is revealed the absolute truth, it af fects to despise the crawling logic of mere talent. This is the position the author assumes, as one of the only true thinkersthe generally-educated men of ardent imagination." Preface he says: "What I here propound is true; therefore it cannot die "" And what, pray, is this authoritative solution? A tissue of the baldest, stupidest, second-hand pantheon! This the author himself shall make apparent. Somewhere and somehow there existed in the deep abyss of the Past a single "Primordid Particie," and from this our individual, unconditional, irrel-tive and absolute Particle Proper," were "irradiated spherically," with a force varying as the square of the distance, “a certain inexpressibly great, yet limited number of imaginably, yet not infinitely, minute atoms " Thus he tells us the constitution of the universe has been effected by forcing the criginally and therefore normally one into the abnormal condition of many," Having thus succeeded in filling, from this prolific "Primordial Particle," an inconcievably great, yet limited space with matter, he proceeds to develope the universe out of it, with some correctness, according to the nebulous system. Attraction and repulsion, gravity and electricity correspond to the material and spiritual, the body and soul of the universe. Comets are the lightning flashes of the cosmical heavens." All this, however, applies only to our own universe. There are 66 clusters of Universes" bearing no relation to our Own. "They could not impress our senses or our souls. Among them and us |