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the unanimous voice of the whole Irish nation, and of all their representatives in the new Parliament, would not be able to correct it :the mischief would be perpetual and immediate.

SIR JONAH BARRINGTON.

A Union forced or corrupted can be neither permanent nor advantageous.

No articles of Union will ever be secure.

If the interest of Great Britain induces a breach of them, where is our remedy?

If the British Minister violates the Scottish engagement to subjugate Ireland, it is equally clear he will play the same game when Ireland is dependent, and that as the Scottish union was infringed to gain Ireland, so the Irish union will be infringed to regain Scotland; and when the interests of England suggests the measure, will the voice of a few Irish delegates prevent it?

The farmer will feel this project-the demesne will be deserted by the absentee, and the labourer remain unemployed on the demesne: the produce of land must lower in value, whilst the rents of the present farms will remain the same, and as the consumption decreases, the evil will accompany it, till the once wealthy farmer becomes an impoverished, heart-broken bankrupt. Absentees have already been justly accounted an important injury to Ireland: that injury must increase tenfold-all the specie of Ireland will follow them halfyearly to Great Britain-the griping English agent will supplant the kind and indulgent landlord, and the Irish tenant become the impoverished slave of the Irish absentee.

The taxes of Ireland will not be modified to Irish circumstances; but calculated by a Scotch Minister and executed by a British authority, the tax-table of England will become the statute book of Ireland, and the great doubt will then be, whether our wants or our burdens are the greatest.

MR. DOBBS.

The moment we part with our legislature, the few persons sent to the Lords and Commons in England, even supposing them incorruptible, become so insignificant in point of proportional numbers, that it is clear Ireland must remain at the mercy of the British Members.

MR. PLUNKET.

Give up your independence, and Great Britain will grant you whatever terms you may desire: give her the key and she will confide every thing to its protection. There are no advantages which you can ask which she will not grant, exactly for the same reason that the unprincipled spendthrift will subscribe, without reading it, the bond which he has no intention of ever discharging.

FALSE PROPHETS.

SIR BOYLE ROACH.

For my part I see no reason to prevent a consummation between the parties, as the issue will be a young Hibernia.

A Union will put an end to the uniting between the Presbyterians and Protestants and Catholics, to overturn the constitution.

LORD CASTLEREAGH.

By an incorporation of our legislature with that of Great Britain,

it would not only consolidate the strength and glory of the empire, but it would change our internal and local government to a system of strength and tranquil security, instead of being a garrison in the island. Absentees will be somewhat increased, but the evil will be compensated by other advantages, and among them by the growth of an intermediate class of men between the landlord and the peasant-a class of men whose loss is felt in Ireland, to train the mind of the lower class. These we would have from England-we would also have capital from thence.

He had no difficulty in saying, that the only means of settling this unhappy country in permanent tranquillity and connexion with England, were to be found in a Legislative Union

MR. M'NAGHTEN.

I feel do difficulty in declaring it to be my firm opinion, that the only method to secure the connexion between the two kingdoms, and the existence of this country in a civilized state, is a Legislative Union.

AN EVENING WITH THE LORDS,

BY AN HONORARY MEMBER.

THE Duke says, in High Life below Stairs, when speaking of his "order," "we have dignity," and the Duke was right. The urbanity of the master is often imagined from the civility of the servants; and the criterion was never more fully exemplified than in the superior politeness of those who guard the portals and lounge in the corridors of the House of Lords, contrasted with the avaricious incivility of the attendants of the House of Commons. In detailing the particulars of an evening's visit to the lower house, I described the profitable revenue which the gallery janitor derives from outraging the privileges of the Commons, by admitting strangers to listen to the debates at the small charge of half a crown. I am not certain if, like the theatres, half-price is taken after nine o'clock; but I believe Wright would gladly avail himself of the rule when an Irish farce is going forward at St. Stephen's: for when this kind of performance takes place, the guardianship of the entrance becomes quite a sinecure. The dignity of the Peers will not allow them to be exhibited to the lion-hunters at so much a head. Strangers are admitted below the bar in the House of Lords, by producing the order of a Peer; but the liberty of ingress is generously extended to all the gentlemen who write a connexion with any periodical in the United Kingdom is a sufficient claim, together with a certain degree of appearance, to entitle you to the privilege of standing below the bar during the sittings of the House of Peers.

The night before the funeral of George the Fourth I went down to Westminster. Both Houses were sitting, notwithstanding that the great leviathan of the haut ton was then lying in state at Windsor. Commons were hurrying through their stages several bills which lay

The

on hands unfinished, as the Ministers were anxious to complete them before the approaching dissolution which was to take place soon after the accession of his present majesty. The House of Lords was summoned for a different purpose this evening. They were to take into consideration the address which had been agreed to by the Commons for the dismissal of Sir Jonah Barrington from his office as Judge of the Irish Admiralty. The lower house had refused to hear counsel on the part of Sir Jonah, and had agreed to the address, without giving him an opportunity of making any defence, or refuting the charges brought against him by the Minister The Lords had been more lenient, and had condescended to listen to counsel upon the same terms as the equitable old gentleman who declared that he had no objection to hearken to argument when he had made up his mind. The head and front of poor Sir Jonah's offending arose from a transaction which occurred in his official capacity as Judge of the Admiralty, in the year 1806. A sum of two hundred pounds was paid into his court on account of a suit therein pending, which he had subsequently lodged in the hands of his own banker, on his own private account. The Commissioners of Inquiry, many years after, when investigating the practice of the Admiralty Court, made the discovery during the examination of the Registrar; and in making up their report, set forth this fact as an unpardonable act of delinquency in the Judge. The report lay unnoticed for a long time, until Sir Jonah called the attention of the Minister upon himself, by the publication of his "Reminiscences," and his exposure of the intrigues by which the Union was accomplished. Suddenly the neglected report was produced, and the integrity of the Ministers could not brook that the delinquent Judge should longer hold his office: the affair was brought before the House of Commons, and it was resolved that an address should be forwarded to his Majesty, praying that he would forthwith deprive Sir Jonah Barrington of his appointment. Sir Jonah had been an absentee for many years, and had discharged his judicial duties by deputy, so that there was no great probability he would ever return and resume the personal superintendance of his court again. The charge which the report of the commissioners recorded against him was highly derogatory to the character of a Judge, and considered in the present day, would be regarded as an indelible stain upon his robe; but when the circumstances under which he appropriated the money to himself were taken into consideration, his offence appeared quite venal in comparison to the practises which were notoriously permitted by the Irish government on the part of its officers about the same period. There was then scarcely a clerk in the treasury of Ireland who was not a sort of private banker, discounting bills upon the capital of the public money which remained in his hands from one quarter to another. Immense fortunes were in this way realised by persons whose salaries did not amount to more than one hundred and fifty pounds per annum. himself of the use of whatever money came to his hands, without Every public officer availed scruple, or the fear of the consequences of detection; and if the Judge of the Admiralty took a turn out of money which was lodged in his hands by the suitors of his court, he was not the only public

it would not only consolidate the strength and glory of the empire, but it would change our internal and local government to a system of strength and tranquil security, instead of being a garrison in the island. Absentees will be somewhat increased, but the evil will be compensated by other advantages, and among them by the growth of an intermediate class of men between the landlord and the peasant-a class of men whose loss is felt in Ireland, to train the mind of the lower class. These we would have from England-we would also have capital from thence.

He had no difficulty in saying, that the only means of settling this unhappy country in permanent tranquillity and connexion with England, were to be found in a Legislative Union

MR. M'NAGHTEN.

I feel do difficulty in declaring it to be my firm opinion, that the only method to secure the connexion between the two kingdoms, and the existence of this country in a civilized state, is a Legislative Union.

AN EVENING WITH THE LORDS,

BY AN HONORARY MEMBER.

THE Duke says, in High Life below Stairs, when speaking of his "order," "we have dignity," and the Duke was right. The urbanity of the master is often imagined from the civility of the servants; and the criterion was never more fully exemplified than in the superior politeness of those who guard the portals and lounge in the corridors of the House of Lords, contrasted with the avaricious incivility of the attendants of the House of Commons. In detailing the particulars of an evening's visit to the lower house, I described the profitable revenue which the gallery janitor derives from outraging the privileges of the Commons, by admitting strangers to listen to the debates at the small charge of half a crown. I am not certain if, like the theatres, half-price is taken after nine o'clock; but I believe Wright would gladly avail himself of the rule when an Irish farce is going forward at St. Stephen's: for when this kind of performance takes place, the guardianship of the entrance becomes quite a sinecure. The dignity of the Peers will not allow them to be exhibited to the lion-hunters at so much a head. Strangers are admitted below the bar in the House of Lords, by producing the order of a Peer; but the liberty of ingress is generously extended to all the gentlemen who write a connexion with any periodical in the United Kingdom is a sufficient claim, together with a certain degree of appearance, to entitle you to the privilege of standing below the bar during the sittings of the House of Peers.

The night before the funeral of George the Fourth I went down to Westminster. Both Houses were sitting, notwithstanding that the great leviathan of the haut ton was then lying in state at Windsor. The Commons were hurrying through their stages several bills which lay

on hands unfinished, as the Ministers were anxious to complete them before the approaching dissolution which was to take place soon after the accession of his present majesty. The House of Lords was summoned for a different purpose this evening. They were to take into consideration the address which had been agreed to by the Commons for the dismissal of Sir Jonah Barrington from his office as Judge of the Irish Admiralty. The lower house had refused to hear counsel on the part of Sir Jonah, and had agreed to the address, without giving him an opportunity of making any defence, or refuting the charges brought against him by the Minister The Lords had been more lenient, and had condescended to listen to counsel upon the same terms as the equitable old gentleman who declared that he had no objection to hearken to argument when he had made up his mind. The head and front of poor Sir Jonah's offending arose from a transaction which occurred in his official capacity as Judge of the Admiralty, in the year 1806. A sum of two hundred pounds was paid into his court on account of a suit therein pending, which he had subsequently lodged in the hands of his own banker, on his own private account. The Commissioners of Inquiry, many years after, when investigating the practice of the Admiralty Court, made the discovery during the examination of the Registrar; and in making up their report, set forth this fact as an unpardonable act of delinquency in the Judge. The report lay unnoticed for a long time, until Sir Jonah called the attention of the Minister upon himself, by the publication of his "Reminiscences," and his exposure of the intrigues by which the Union was accomplished. Suddenly the neglected report was produced, and the integrity of the Ministers could not brook that the delinquent Judge should longer hold his office: the affair was brought before the House of Commons, and it was resolved that an address should be forwarded to his Majesty, praying that he would forthwith deprive Sir Jonah Barrington of his appointment. Sir Jonah had been an absentee for many years, and had discharged his judicial duties by deputy, so that there was no great probability he would ever return and resume the personal superintendance of his court again. The charge which the report of the commissioners recorded against him was highly derogatory to the character of a Judge, and considered in the present day, would be regarded as an indelible stain upon his robe; but when the circumstances under which he appropriated the money to himself were taken into consideration, his offence appeared quite venal in comparison to the practises which were notoriously permitted by the Irish government on the part of its officers about the same period. There was then scarcely a clerk in the treasury of Ireland who was not a sort of private banker, discounting bills upon the capital of the public money which remained in his hands from one quarter to another. Immense fortunes were in this way realised by persons whose salaries did not amount to more than one

hundred and fifty pounds per annum. Every public officer availed himself of the use of whatever money came to his hands, without scruple, or the fear of the consequences of detection; and if the Judge of the Admiralty took a turn out of money which was lodged in his hands by the suitors of his court, he was not the only public

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