representation of the people, and think they cannot too soon disclaim the professions and principles by which they were elevated so far above their deserts. Instead of forty we should have had eighty members assembled to learn from the lips of the people themselves, details of the various grievances which affect the different classes of the community, and suggestions of those measures by which their wrongs might be redressed, and the remedies for their manifold sufferings applied. The most hollow-hearted changeling could not have listened, as we did, to the facts elucidated from the involuntary representatives of the wretchedness and wrongs which pervade our social, commercial, and political system, without being firmly impressed with the necessity of prompt and decisive changes, and the temerity of tampering with the diseased and exasperated minds of a people, so crushed and goaded by oppression, misrule, and insult. The identity of feeling and unity of conduct thus produced upon such a numerous body, would have been irresistible in accomplishing their purposes. The fiercest opponent should have yielded to their demands; the haughtiest minister would have bowed before their authority. As it is, the cordial co-operation of even a smaller number of members than did actually assemble, in the promotion, or resistance, of any measure will be sufficient to ensure courteous attention, if not obedience, to their wishes, and overawe the insolent hostility of office. Without this, we know too well the mode in which Parliamentary affairs are managed in England to expect any positive regard for the interests of Ireland from the rulers, or representatives, of England. It may be said that we under-rate the strength of the Irish popular party in the House uf Commons, in considering it as formed of only those members who attended the National Council, and we admit that we do; but we cannot rely upon the co-operation of men who could so far overlook the advantages of this preparation for their Parliamentary duties, or deliberately violate public principle, as to refuse to attend its meetings. We despise the understanding of any man who could sincerely object to its proceedings, and we distrust the integrity of that man's intentions, who would wilfully evade giving it his support We repeat our conviction, that many of the men who have ventured to condemn the Council would gladly have pledged themselves to their constituents to attend it, had they been required to do so on the hustings at their election. The fact betrays deplorable ignorance of their duties, or depravity of principle, in these recusants; and demonstrates, in itself, the necessity of binding by the strictest pledges the class of men who seek the office of representation in the present times. We dwell on the circumstance to shew our countrymen the danger of such negligence and credulity as they have displayed on this occasion, and to impress on them the necessity of being more guarded for the future.

In proportion as we censure those men who have refused to attend the Council, are we bound to respect the wiser and more faithful servants of the people who have fulfilled this duty. It requires both moral courage and sound judgment to perceive the advantages of new measures such as this, and to give them the support they deserve. is, therefore, a wise ordinance of society to give peculiar honour to

It

those who first originate and adopt them. Who does not revere the bold barons and patriot prelates of Runnymede as the sole authors of Magna Charta, because they alone were daring enough openly to risk their Sovereign's hate to serve their country. The rough characters traced on that page of liberty by the illiterate warriors of those days, are prouder monuments of fame than their servile successors could raise through the long centuries that have since elapsed. Why do we almost worship the names of Hampden, and Russell, and Sydney?-or, why do we forgive half the errors of those who framed the Bill of Rights?-Because they were the apostles of our freedom, and first taught their countrymen that it was more dangerous to submit to, then to resist the aggressions of tyranny. Who does not envy the noble spirits of free America, who first proclaimed their country's independence, and defied the power of England sooner than submit to its haughty and oppressive domination? We place their glorious declaration before our children, and bid them treasure in their inmost hearts the names of the heroic patriots who loved justice more than life, and taught their countrymen to triumph over the foreign despot that dared to despise them. Yet bold as was that act, and brilliant as were their subsequent achievements, neither should claim from us more respect thaa the peaceful, but decisive resumption of the right to legislate in Ireland, for Ireland, by the Irish representatives who attended the National Council. Their names will be recorded in the affections of posterity, and their deeds form an era in the history of their country. They deserve, and they receive the ardent gratitude of the nation.

Yes! Ireland has resumed the right of self-legislation. It is not the official puppet paid for presiding at debates, nor the form of assembly, nor the phraseology of statutes, nor the wax and parchment, nor the mockery of "assent" in royalty, that constitutes legislation. Laws are powerless with all these, unless the Majesty of THE PEOPLE assent to them. Laws are the remedies for the evils of the social system, devised by those who know their nature, and adopted by the approbation of those who feel their necessity. Their administration consists in the general admission of their justice and utility, and submission to their authority, by the people. Unjust laws must ever prove inoperative, except for evil, where the people are intelligent enough to perceive their injustice; while those calculated to promote the interests of the community will be universally respected and obeyed. The power to enforce their observance belongs to the people.-it is their right;-they may delegate it, but it is their undoubted right. In the case of Ireland, the forms of existing laws may prohibit the open assumption of this power by those who virtually legislate for the country, but it remains with the Irish people to supply the deficiency. As they value, and would preserve, the privilege of self-government, which alone distinguishes freemen from slaves, they will voluntarily give that effect to the advice of their own chosen legislators, which the formal measures of their present rulers produce only through their power to enforce them. Resolutions should bear the authority of statutes, and collective declarations of opinion be received as lawful acts of Parliament. The people will

thus contribute to their own benefit, and secure their own safety. It is true that the National Council has not yet assumed a deliberative capacity; but does any man believe that its meetings can long continue without becoming deliberate in their character?-and will it not decide as well as deliberate? Nay, has it not already done so? Look, for instance, to its discussion upon reform in the temporalities of the church establishment;-has that not determined the course of conduct which every individual member present will pursue? Did it shun a declaration on the subject of Repeal, equally decisive, but because it was considered unnecessary and inexpedient at this moment to adopt it! Will our ruined manufaturers and famishing artizans seek redress from this Council, in their native country, or at the bar of a foreign legislature, estranged from them alike in situation and feelings? It is idle to expect it. It is the nature of mankind to respect authority where they find justice, and to repose confidence where they find sympathy. The National Council will thus absorb exclusively the regard of the people; its future proceedings will develope this extension of its influence, and gradually justify to the meanest, and most adverse apprehension the principles on which it is constituted and acts. It's true character and tendency are still too imperfectly understood to ensure the full and hearty support it will yet command.

It may be urged that the Council has heard no grievance which the existing Imperial legislature could not remove. We grant it; and are willing to stake our claims to the restoration of our legislative independence upon the result of an appeal to its decision. If it be admitted, that we have been wronged and plundered under the pretence of adjusting the financial affairs of the empire; if solemn compacts have been violated to subject us to undue and oppressive burthens, and their beneficial conditions withheld from us; if our trade have been wantonly embarrassed, our manufactures deliberately destroyed, and our resources left uncultivated and decried, while our people erish from want; if the administration of justice throughout all its branches be wilfully corrupted, and the liberty and property of the subject be openly invaded with impunity by the minions of the law; if these be admitted, and they are charges not lightly to be refuted, then does England owe us much retribution, and her claims upon our submission to her legislation can only be sustained by an immediate and total change in the system we complain of. Here then we rest our demand for self-legislation upon these conditions, will England re-adjust our national debt according to the proportions defined at the Union?-will she reduce our taxation to the standard fixed before the war, and re-imburse to us the excess of taxes to which we have been subjected since the reduction of her own taxes?-will she fulfil the articles of the union, which pledge her to expend in this country the surplus revenue raised in it, for the future, and deduct from our national debt the surplus to which we have been for many years entitled? will the restrictions that impede our commerce, and manufactures, and give an undue predominance to British interests be removed, and the developement of our resources be fairly encouraged? will our jury laws be amended, and our magistracy purified? will the liberty and

life of the Irish subject be equally protected with those of the English subject, by the full privileges of the British constitution, and a complete change in our system of police ? will our representative system be in all respects extended and reformed equally with that of England? will we be freed from ecclesiastical taxation, and the exclusive, temporal, advantages of the religion established by law, utterly abolished? If these things be done, and done immediately, then we should, perhaps, concede to England the right to take part in legislating for us; but should they be refused-aye, while one of those things is refused-we will assert the necessity of self-legislation. No individual who respects justice or liberty will deny our right to these measures of redress and reform; and now, by its decision upon these, will we test the disposition of the English legislature towards our country. Should that decision be adverse or evasive, away with all confidence in English legislation. We are competent to legislate for ourselves, and we have the right to do so. Even at this moment has any man confidence in the intentions of English rulers and legislators as regards Ireland? Not one. A few months, perhaps a few weeks, then, will decide our future course for ever.

We repeat it--no man has confidence even in the intentions of the British Parliament towards Ireland; and, therefore, we feel satisfaction that Ireland has already commenced the good work of legislating for herself. Let the people henceforth devote their earnest attention to the proceedings of the National Council; let them enforce wherever they can, constant attendance at its meetings; let their election clubs and committees, their county, and even their parochial meetings, insist on the attendance of their representatives. They may rest assured that its objects will soon extend much beyond their present scope. The destiny of the nation is in its hands-the power of the nation sustains it—the will of the nation is embodied in it; where is the slave that dare fear the result? We have no fears for it. Already it dispels the darkness that enveloped us. Like the harbinger of bright and happy sun-life, it indicates the coming of our unshadowed day of freedom.

We conclude by placing on record the names of those men who have distinguished themselves by forming the first Legislative Council of Ireland. Ambition can have no higher hope-patriotism no nobler reward, than the honour of thus peacefully liberating their country:

DANIEL O'CONNELL, the first proposer of the Council, barrister-atlaw, Member for

Dublin (City)
Carlow (Co.)
Cashel (City)
Clare (Co)

Clonmel (Borough)

do.

..

Dublin (City)

Galway (Town)

Kerry (Co.)
Kildare (Co.)
Kilkenny (Co.)
Kilkenny (Co.)

Kilkenny (City)

King's (Co.)

Limerick (City)

LANESVILLE REVISITED IN 1828.

O! many and many a circling year has past
Since last I viewed this well-remembered scene,
And many a strange event has chanced since last
I trod these moss-grown walks and alleys green;
Yet here no tokens of a change have been-

Still the dark foliage of the chesnut trees

In its rich beauty, as of old, is seen

Still the bright beeches bend to court the breeze-
Would I could say that all remains unchanged like these!
No, no-though grove, and lawn, and trees, and flowers,
Unchanged may be throughout the lapse of years,
Time's passage through this “work-day world" of ours
Is still by changes marked that wake our tears!
E'en now before my mental eye appears

The form of one no longer seen on earth-
A voice for ever hushed sounds in mine ears,
As once it gave the soul of music birth,

Or waked the echo of those groves with boyish mirth.
And other forms before my vision rise,

As through these well-beloved haunts I stray :-
She, for whose recent loss still friendship sighs
And he, who long from earth hath passed away.
Both, both have mingled with their kindred clay-
The tender mother, and the priest of God;
Both "left the precincts of the cheerful day:"-

She calmly slumbers 'neath her native sod

He sleeps in those free climes, suatched from Spain's despot rod

There too he lies whom first my fancy drew

My cherished kiusman, youthful, brave, and gay;

Ah! little deemed he, when he bade adieu

To us and home, that he was doomed to lay

Him down to die in regions far away!

To find a grave on Magdalena's shore,

Beneath the southern sun's fierce wasting ray—
From home divided by the ocean's roar,

While we should weep his loss-his early fate deplore!
Yet, though since last I wandered through these bowers,
Griefs, then undreamed of, have assailed my heart,
New hopes, new ties have sprung, like summer flowers,
To fill the place of those time bade depart ;-

A wife's, a mother's feelings heal the smart

For those, long lost, whose presence cheered this scene;
Yet, though with joy I own their soothing art,

I would not wish my spirits so serene

To lose the memory of that which once hath been!"

L. N. F.