THE BRITISH MAGAZINE, AND GENERAL REVIEW OF THE Literature, Employments, and Amufements of the Times. For JANUARY, 1772. An impartial Review of the different Adminiflrations in the prefent Reign. A S we profess to be guided by the utmoft impartiality, we fhall most cautiously venture into the regions of politics. Amidft the clamours of party, and the noife of faction, it is exceedingly difficult for a well meaning man to form a juft notion of the ftate of things; whether he hath recourse to conversation or reading, he finds from experience that both the fpeakers and writers are alike tainted with the general infection, and deal out only the sentiments of their respective political readers. In order to pronounce upon the merit or defects of those who have obtained a fway in the cabinet, it is neceffary that their characters fhould be truly developed. In order to criticife, with exactnefs, the public meaBRIT. MAG. Jan. 1772. fures, whether paft or prefent, we fhould make ourselves acquainted with the views, principles, and conduct of an administration. upon It is a weakness juftly chargeable the people of England, that minifters, merely as fuch, are odious to the nation. Without ever confidering whether a man aims at the political good of his country or not, without giving a minifter time to explain himfelf, the smallest mistake throws the nation into a ferment; fome popular demagogue feizes the lucky opportunity, encourages the frenzy, and by exciting a general indignation against thofe at the helm, renders the vox populi fubfervient to his intereft, and thus in time removes all impediments to his ambition. How far this defcription may in any degree be applicable to the present times, we shall not prefume to determine; but as there hath been for a series of years an outcry A outcry against almost every adminiftration, we fhall present our readers with a detail of the different meatures adopted by the different minifters who have guided the helm of ftate fince the acceffion of his prefent majefty. This will be a means of guarding the public against every species of political impofition. When we are made acquainted with the different fchemes which have been carried into execution by our men in power, we fhall be enabled to determine for ourselves, and clearly to perceive who are, and who are not the genuine friends to the liberty and conftitution of England. Towards the end of George the Second's life, there exifted in this country two miniftries; the Newcaftle party, and a kind of family faction, who had chofen Mr. Pitt for their leader. The views of both parties seem to have been precifely the fame, although they made ufe of different ftratagems to accomplish their designs, an independent permanent power was equally the aim of both; but the Newcastle gentry placed their reliance on the treafury, by means of which, they could eafily fecure the parliament, whilft the family junto fubmitted their pretenfions to popular difquifitions, and folely depended upon the favour and clamours of the multitude. This plan might, in all human probability, have fucceeded, had not the late king's death difconcerted thofe fine projects which were only calculated to gratify private ambition at the expence of public virtue. Neither the Pelhams nor Mr Pitt were favourites at Leicester houfe; it was easy, therefore, to forefee that when a young monarch afcended the throne, who had been taught to conceive a diflike for both thefe parties, he fhould give way to his feelings, and make choice of a miniftry in principles, at least, oppofite to their predicceffors. Lord Bute accepted the feals, the Newcastle party began daily to decline, Mr Pitt, preferving his popularity, was continued in office, and the conduct of the war was entrusted almost exclusively to his management; divide et impera was however a maxim which this great commoner by no means relished; his capacious foul formed lofty ideas of autocratic power, and the very notion of controul checked the ardour of his unbounded ambition. The court of Versailles, in the year 1761, talked about peace in too high a tone, and propofed terms for a negotiation, derogatory to the honour of Great Britain. Pitt rejected the propofitions with a becoming dignity and fpirit, and whether because he imagined it altogether impossible to obtain fuch a peace as might fatisfy the nation, or whatever other caufe induced him to take fo decifive a step, can be known only to himself ; but he fuddenly refigned. The reafons Mr. Pitt condefcended to give the public for his refignation were as follow. He had been apprized of Spain's officious interpofition when the treaty of peace between France and England was upon the tapis. The Spanish minifter avowed fuch a step, and further acknowledged, that by the concurrence of his court, the differences fubfifting between England and Spain were referred to France, by whofe mediation they were finally to be adjufted. Pitt infifted that all neutral powers fhould be excluded from the treaty. He remonftrated; Spain evaded a categorical anfwer. Forefeeing that a Spanish war was inevitable, he strongly infifted upon the neceffity, as well as good policy of commencing hoftilities. He propofed the capture of the Spanish fote, which was not then arrived, and urged that fuch a treasure would enable Great Britain to carry on the war, and proportionably diminish the abi lity lity of her adverfaries. This advice was not relished by the cabinet; Pitt therefore, declared that it should be the last time he would fit in council, and fignified his intentions to refign; urging as a reason, that "he would not be responsible for measures he was no longer permitted to guide." That Pitt's apprehenfions, with regard to Spain, were well founded, is demonftrable by the event which fo fpeedily followed; for no fooner had the flota arrived from the Weft Indies, no fooner was the treasure fecured in their ports, than the Spanish court, without disguise, evinced their hoftile intentions against England, and a war was the confequence. But ftill this great man may be cenfured for deferting the fervice of his country, at a juncture fo extremely critical and alarming; nor will it avail to plead in juftification of his conduct, ill ufage, and relentment. A patriot, like a philofopher, ought to facrifice many private feelings to public utility; if " then or never was the time to crush the fecret machinations of our enemies, if the dignity and future prosperity of Great Britain was really at ftake, if in a manner the national glory depended upon the measures which fhould then be purfued," if these things were as Mr. Pitt reprefented, his precipitate refiguation, at a time when he might have been of eminent fervice to his country, was not justifiable upon the principles of difinterested patriotifm; his aiming at an exclufive right to govern, betrayed rather the spirit of a defpot, and his conduct, in fhort, during the whole of this affair, argued a degree of frailty infeparable from mortality. during this unpopular nobleman's adminiftration. Previous to every other business, the parliament proceeded to make a provifion for the queen, in cafe of the king's decease, a jointure of one hundred thousand pounds was settled upon her majefty, Somerset house was allotted for her town, and the lodge at Richmond old park for her country refidence. The firft national affair agitated under Bute's adminiftration, was, an enquiry into the propriety of carrying on the German war; the arguments urged against its continuance by the ministry, were, that it drained the exchequer; that pitching upon Germany for the fcene of action, was giving our enemies an amazing advantage over us; that it connected us with Hanoverians and Heffians, a tribe of allies unworthy the friendship of Great Britain; that we paid the king of Pruffia an enormous fubfidy, whilft it could never be in his power to make us a fuitable return; and laftly, that the electorate of Hanover, which we appeared fo affiduously to protect, was not in reality worth a fifth part of the fum we had foolifhly expended in its defence. These arguments were answered by the oppofition. But the fact is, that this method of reafoning, however forcible, was yet ill timed; for although, previous to our entering into any German quarrels, it might have been admitted as a means to diffuade us from fuch difputes, yet after we had plunged into continental connexions, fuch confiderations became useless. But thefe disputes foon gave way to matters more important. In the beginning of November 1761, the new parliament was opened From the intelligence Mr. Pitt had at Weltminster, and Sir John Cuft received, it appeared, that at the very chofen Speaker of the Houfe of Com- time Spain affected to continue in a mons. Bute was the head of the state of neutrality, fhe was bufied in ministry at this time; we fhall there-framing a draught of a compact enfore lay before our readers an impar-tered into by the enemies of Great tial account of the measures puifued Britain, for the establishment of uni verfal verfal empire, and total destruction of this kingdom. This is commonly called the family compact. The means by which Pitt became acquainted with this piece of fecret hiftory, the perfons who procured him the rough draught, and the motives which incited different ftates to enter into this folemn league, thefe are curious particulars which deferve a feparate confideration, and fhall therefore be difcuffed in fome future number; for the prefent it may fuffice to obferve, that one of the articles wherein Spain obliges herself to fuccour France, "if fhe is engaged with a maritime power," feems fo evidently calculated against England, that the allusion is impoffible to be mistaken. Bute was not altogether deftitute of abilities, or at leaft it evinced, that the adminiftration was not that def picable junto the partifans of Mr. Pitt would make us believe. The conqueft of the Havannah, Martinico, and the spirited exertionsof the British forces in Germany, clearly fhewed, that although the great Commoner might abandon us to dangers, yet even his absence could not throw the nation into the gloomy horrors of despair. On the contrary, whilft the war continued, our feamen, as well as foldiers, feemed endowed with as great a fhare of intrepidity and genuine heroism, as when he condefcended to guide the state machine. Whilft our foreign affairs were in this fituation; whilst our arms were crowned with a series of victories fufficiently important to make the haughty Bourbons crouch, faction at home had fown the feeds of civil difcord. France and Spain made an attempt to draw Holland over to their confederacy; but perceiving the ineffectuality of their threats and promises, they fignified their intentions of making Portugal feel the heavy effects of their difpleafure, if the refused to enter into conjunction, and purfue their hoftile intentions. Here again they were disappointed; Portugal feemed determined to preferve a ftri&t neutrality, and England was obliged to fhip arms, troops, and warlike ftores, for the defence of that king-fucceffion was deemed now firmly dom. The fupplies granted this year by parliament amounted to upwards of eighteen millions fterling. But it must be confeffed the national burthen was enormous; a war with France and Spain, a prodigious fubfidy, or, if you please, annual tribute to the king of Pruffia, and the expences attending the defence of Portugal; thefe were fo many clogs on the wheels of government, that a kingdom lefs fruitful in refources than England must have fuffered the difgrace of an univerfal bankruptcy. War, however, was carried on with vicour; and feveral fuccefsful cam in 1762 demonstrated that A maxim had formerly been adopted at Leicester-house, that "all partydiftinctions fhould be abolished;" and that the different appellations of Whig and Tory fhould, by being discountenanced, be rendered altogether obfolete. The Hanoverian established in the nation, and the exiled family was looked upon as á bugbear too contemptible to frighten even the vulgar. Agreeable to this fyftem, the great offices of state were, during Bute's administration, occupied by men, fome of whom perhaps carried their notions of monarchical power to unwarrantable lengths. This occafioned an outcry in the nation; and the vulgar, the illiberal, and the fordid, took advantage of the minifter's country to foment divifions amongst the inhabitants of two kingdoms, between whom a famenefs of views, as well as political connexion, ought to ferve as the cement of perfect union. The The Whig party exclaimed at being banished from the royal prefence; they deplored the fate of old Newcastle; and many who continued in office following his example, refigned in ill humour. That the Tories (if Lord Bute's affociates really were fuch) fhould exclude the oppofite party from power, is natural, and easily accounted for. Befides, it hath been the conftant practice, ever fince the Revolution; and if it must be deemed a fault, it is a fault that the Whigs, whenever they have poffeffed the means, have made no manner of fcruple to commit, Perhaps it may be alledged, that "the Whigs, being ftaunch friends to the house of Hanover, are, on all accounts, the most proper perfons to be about the Sovereign, and affist at his councils." But there is a neceflity to inform those who adopt this propofition, that it is not univerfally because when James the Second, after abdicating the crown of England, refided at St. Germains, the Whig-party, by whose means William was feated on the throne, actually entered into negotiations with James, in order to restore him to his crown and dignity. true; This is capable of proof not to be contradicted. Lord Bute, therefore, in purfuance of his plan, only expelled thofe who, if in power, would, from principle, have expelled him. We mean not to justify, but to be impartial. A ftrong oppofition, however, was formed by thofe who had been difgraced; and every method imaginable was taken to counteract the meafures of administration, by rendering the fupplies uncertain. Hence, if the ministry found it difficult to continue the war, an oppofition was ready to conftrue this incapacity. If, on the other hand, war was ftill carried on with fuccefs, terms of peace the most unreasonable would be demanded by the nation. In this dilemma, the miniftry turned their thoughts to peace. The French were well apprifed of our internal fituation; and as the great expences of war had reduced the ftate of their finances to the lowest ebb, they were now in earneft to put a speedy conclufion to carnage and defolation. On the part of France, the Duke de Nivernois; on the part of England, the Duke of Bedford, were chofen ambaffadors. The laft negociation, which Pitt rejected, was made the basis of this treaty. Our ally, the king of Pruffia, by furmounting a feries of difficulties, had rendered himself formidable; yet our miniftry most readily agreed to drop his alliance. This, by men of fagacity, was deemed a flagrant blunder in politics. To divest an ally, at a time when his affistance might be of effential fervice, and effectually turn the fcale in our favour; this was fo fingular a refinement upon common fense, that vulgar minds were altogether incapable of perceiving its propriety. The difputes relative to Portugal were adjusted, on condition that all its territories fhould be evacuated without diftinction. As the war with France had originally been occafioned by fome depredations committed on our territories in America, the boundaries of our poffeffions in that quarter of the globe were affigned with precision. Florida was accepted in lieu of the Havannah; but the most acute amongft the minifterial writers could not, in this particular, make even a tolerable defence for their master's conduct. The French were allowed in a manner a fhare in the Newfoundland fishery, at least they were permitted to fish within three leagues of the coaft, in the gulph and river of St. Lawrence. Spain laid no claim to any fifhing in those feas. In the Weft-Indies we retained the Grenades. Spain, |