St Lawrence is shut, either the horrors of 1787 and 1817 must be repeated, or the planters be subjected to the high duties.

But it will not do to argue this question as if there were no other port in the United States to trade with the West Indies than New York. There is such a place as New Orleans; and, by consulting the map, it will be found that the distance from New Orleans to Jamaica, is very little greater than the distance from Montreal or Quebec to the parallel of Halifax. New Orleans, and not New York, is the natural market for the supply of the West Indies with all articles of provision and lumber; which are brought down by the Misissippi in the greatest profusion, and at a fourth part of the expense for which they can be sent from Lake Ontario or Lake Erie to Quebec. Take the case of Havannah-now one of the most important commercial cities in the world. Her merchants and planters supply themselves with those articles, wherever they are to be met with, that are best and cheapest; and we have yet to learn that even a single bushel of Canada wheat, or a single stick of Canada timber, has found its way to Cuba. Even with New York the dealings of the Cuba merchants are comparatively limited. New Orleans is the nearest and best market to which they can resort; and their imports from the latter are immense. It is principally, indeed, to be ascribed to this circumstance, that the value of the native American produce exported from New Orleans, is believed to exceed that exported from New York. During the year ended 30th Sept., the last for which we have the official accounts, the value of the American articles exported from the former was 10,898,183 dollars, and from the latter, 12,036,561.

To lament the distress of the West Indians, and at the same time to continue to subject their intercourse with America and other foreign countries to the existing trammels, is mere hypocritical affectation, that can deceive no one. If their ruin is to be completed, that a few thousand pounds may be put into the pockets of the shipowners, the present system is as good as can be devised. But if it be intended to place them in a condition to withstand the competition of the planters of Brazil and Cuba, every vestige of it must be destroyed. The policy that should be adopted is obvious and simple. It consists merely in opening the ports of the West Indies, without distinctions of any sort, to all sorts of produce, (except sugar, rum, and coffee,) and to all sorts of ships, on payment of the same moderate ad valorem duties. By confining the trade between Great Britain and the colonies to British ships, a material advantage will be secured to our shipowners. By attempting to grasp at more, they will ultimately get less. When the sugar colonies are destroyed, as

they will be by persisting in the present system, what will be the value of the direct trade between them and England?

The people of England should look to their interests in this affair; they are of greater magnitude than most persons are aware of. An enormous expense is incurred on account of the colonies; and until the present oppressive restrictions on their trade be abolished, no abatement need be looked for on this head. The evidence of Lord Palmerston before the Finance Committee, as to this point, is explicit and decisive. 'Attempts,' said his Lordship, have been made in all the West India islands to induce them to contribute to the expenses of the establish'ments; and they have always represented that their means of 'doing so were crippled by the commercial arrangements of the mother country; they have said, If you will let us trade as we like, and collect our own custom duties, and so on, we will do it.' (Evidence, p. 146.) The means, therefore,' as Sir Henry Parnell has truly stated, of effecting a very great retrenchment in ' our present expenditure, is entirely in the hands of the legisla ture, at no greater trouble than that of now doing what it was the declared intention of the law of 1825 to do, namely, to 'establish, thoroughly and sincerely, a free colonial trade.' (Financial Reform, 3d ed. p. 243.)

After repealing the restrictions on their trade, the next best thing that could be done for the relief of the West Indians, would be to reduce the duties on sugar, and several other articles of Colonial produce. This reduction, too, is required not merely by a regard to their interests, but to those of the community. Sugar occupies a very prominent place among the necessaries of life; and its cost forms an important item in the expenses of most families. And yet while the duties on the consumption of most of the great articles have been reduced from 30 to 50 per cent, and some wholly repealed, the sugar duties were kept at the war level till last year, and since then, only reduced from 27s. to 24s. a cwt. Even this ineffectual reduction has occasioned an increase in the consumption of the half year ending 5th July, 1831, as compared with the half year ending 5th July, 1830, of no less than 303,000 cwts., or 33,936,000 lbs. Had Mr Grant's motion, in 1829, for reducing the duties on sugar to 20s. a cwt., been acceded to, the increase would have been much greater; though we believe, that in proposing 20s. Mr Grant gave way to the fears of those who were apprehensive of a diminution of revenue, and that he would have preferred a reduction of the duty to 16s. or 18s. By fixing the duty at 16s., a very great boon would be confer

red on the people of England, while it admits of demonstration that the revenue would not lose a single shilling. Mr Huskisson made the following statement, which we know to be as applicable at this moment, in the debate on Mr Grant's motion:

In consequence of the present enormous duty on sugar, the 'poor working man with a large family, to whom pence were a 'serious consideration, was denied the use of that commodity; and he believed that he did not go too far when he stated, that 'TWO-THIRDS of the poorer consumers of coffee drank that beve'rage without sugar. If, then, the price of sugar were reduced, it would become an article of his consumption, like many other articles, woollens, for instance, which he now used, from their cheap price, and which he formerly was unable to pur'chase. This was the principle which regulated the amount ' and extent of consumption of any article, not placed by its 'natural cost beyond the reach of the working-classes, the large majority of the people.' The same views were supported by Mr Poulett Thompson, both in the debate on Mr Grant's motion, and in his very able speech on the 30th March, 1830. No one, surely,' said the right honourable gentleman, will be found to deny, that if, without any sacrifice of ' revenue, we can assist that very suffering interest, the great 'body of West India proprietors, it is our duty to do so. But when, in addition to that, we can benefit so essentially the great body of the people of this country, who, more or less, all consume sugars, I really cannot express my astonishment that 'some reduction of the duty should not already have taken. 'place.'

A farther reduction ought also to be made of the duties on coffee. Our readers are well acquainted with the effects that have followed from the reduction of the exorbitant duties on coffee in 1807 and 1825-reductions which have increased the consumption from 1,100,000 lbs. a-year, to above 22,000,000 lbs., and the revenue from L.160,000, to L.600,000. Still, however, the duty is 56s. a-cwt.; being equal to 100 per cent upon the price of good coffee, and to full 150 per cent upon the price of the inferior sorts. We have not the slightest doubt, that, were the duty reduced to 28s. a-cwt., or 3d. a lb., we should have a repetition of the same magical effects that have resulted from the former reductions. When principle and experience concur in showing that duties may be diminished not only without injury, but with vast advantage to the revenue, and when the distress of the planters will be lessened, and the comforts of the public materially increased by such reductions, why should we hesitate about making them?

It is the opinion of Sir Henry Parnell-an opinion in which we wholly concur-that, besides reducing the duties on sugar and coffee, those on all other articles brought from the West Indies, with the exception of rum and molasses, ought to be entirely repealed. The loss to the revenue would be inconsiderable-the advantage to the colonies great. Cocoa is one of the most valuable productions of the West Indies and Central America; and M. Humboldt calculates, that in 1806 and 1807, about 46,000,000 lbs., or 23,000,000 lbs. a-year, were made use of on the continent. At one time plantations of cocoa abounded in Jamaica, but they have entirely disappeared from that island, having withered, as Mr Bryan Edwards states, under the heavy hand of ministerial exaction;' and, unaccountable as it may seem, this pressure has not been materially abated since. At this moment, Trinidad and Grenada cocoa are worth, in bond, from 24s. to 65s. a-cwt., while the duty is no less than 56s.; being nearly 100 per cent upon the finer qualities, and no less than 230 per cent upon the inferior. duty of L.7 a-cwt. on foreign cocoa, is, of course, completely prohibitory. If these duties were intended to discourage the production and consumption of cocoa, they have had the desired effect; but if they were intended to produce revenue, their failure has been signal and complete. The cocoa imported for home consumption does not, at an average, amount to 400,000 lbs. ayear, and the revenue is under L.10,000!

The

The same is the case with pimento, and a variety of what we now call small articles, but which would speedily become very important articles were the duties repealed, and freedom given to their production and sale.

Supposing, however, that those measures now suggested for lessening the pressure on the West Indians, and adding to the comfort of all classes at home, were adopted, still they would not be enough. Parliament must apply itself to fix some certain and definite rules with respect to the treatment of the slaves. To prepare those who have been brutalized by ages of slavery, for performing the part of free citizens, must, under any circumstances, be an exceedingly difficult task, and especially so in the West Indies, where the slaves form so great a majority of the population; but, while any thing like precipita tion in a matter of such extreme delicacy, cannot be too strongly deprecated, there should not, on the other hand, be the least delay in adopting some consistent and uniform system to ensure the gradual extinction of slavery, with advantage to both slaves and masters. The obstacles in the way of such a con

summation are, no doubt, very formidable; but they must be grappled with, and may be overcome. It would be gross injustice to identify the larger and more respectable portion of the West Indians, with that loathsome trash that is poured forth weekly and monthly by those who call themselves the advocates of the West Indian interest, but who are its bitterest enemies. Can they be so besotted as to suppose that their abusive ribaldry will prevail on the people of England to waver in their fixed determination to purify every spot of their dominion from the abomination of slavery? It is not in the nature of things that the present constitution of society should be maintained in the West Indies. The question of emancipation is now merely one of time; and those among the planters who have a just sense of their own real interests, will join cordially in devising measures for making that transition which must take place, as little dangerous as possible.

The constant agitation of the question of emancipation, here and in the colonies, is in the highest degree detrimental to the planters, who are, in fact, deprived of that security so essential to the success of all undertakings. Surely, then, it is for their interest that the question should be decided; and decided it can only be in one of two ways-either by the immediate, or the gradual emancipation of the slaves. It would be easy to showand is indeed generally admitted-that the first plan would be destructive not only of the interests of the planters, but also of those of the slaves. Let then some plan of gradual emancipation be devised; and the animosities that now exist will be allayed; an end will be put to those intemperate discussions that are productive of so much mischief; and confidence and security will again revive. The better way, we believe, would be to oblige the planters to emancipate a certain portion, as two per cent of their slaves each year, making the arrangements such, that the planters should find it for their interest to make emancipation a reward for good conduct. Some of those most deeply interested in the question, agree with us in thinking, that by means of some measure of this sort, the transition from bondage to freedom may be effected without any violent convulsion; and that all classes, masters as well as slaves, would be benefited by its adoption.

It is said by some that the distress of the West Indians cannot be so serious as is represented; for that if it were, it would occasion such a falling off in the imports, as would speedily, by lessening the supply of sugar below the demand, raise its price. In point of fact, however, a diminution has recently taken place in the production of sugar; the import from the West