The appropriations here appear to be equal, but when we come to deduct the lands selected by individuals who had their choice to go into Southern or Northern States, we find the Southern grants for public purposes to be forty millions against twenty-five millions of Northern ones. Men do not to any extent go voluntarily into the Slave States, but vast numbers leave those States to settle in the Free ones, as is shown in the fact that the late census exhibits more than 600,000 people from the former settled in the latter, while the latter exhibit but 208,000 persons from the former; and if we deduct from them the number settled in the three States nearest the Free ones, Delaware, Maryland, and Missouri, which must belong to a Northern Union whenever formed, we shall find but 123,000 remaining, or about one to five. Freedom is attractive and Slavery is repulsive. Men of activity and intelligence seek the Free States, leaving the old Slave States to the occupation of men whose dreams are of the long-passed days, when Virginia was "the Ancient Dominion," and consoling themselves for present insignificance by paragraphs of which the following, taken from the Richmond Examiner, is a specimen : "Virginia, in this confederate, is the impersonation of the well-born, well-educated, wellbred aristocrat. She looks down from her elevated pedestal upon her parvenu, ignorant, mendacious Yankee vilifiers as coldly and calmly as a marble statue. Occasionally, in Congress, or in the nominating conventions of the Democratic party, she condescends, when her interests demand it, to recognize the existence of her adversaries at the very moment when she crushes them, but she does it without anger, and with no more hatred of them than a gardener feels towards the insects which he finds it necessary occasionally to destroy." The aristocracy does not work. The democracy does; and hence it is that the six Free and six Slave States, having received from the Treasury, for all purposes, an equal quantity of land, presented to view, at the date of the last census, the following comparison between the railroads completed and in progress : "The hireling States" Completed. In progress. The aristocratic States of Missouri, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Arkansas, Florida. Completed. In progress, 2,318 417 A similar comparison, now made out, would present results still more striking, but even this should be sufficient to satisfy our readers; first, of the insignificance of the trade offered by the South to the North as the price of Union, and second, that the enormous difference existing is not due to any action of the Federal Government, in the management of which the North has so uniformly been denied the slightest control. We are told, however, that the North must cling to the South if it would not return to "the original poverty and weakness" that must follow a dissolution of the Union. Let us look at this proposition. At the North, every body works. At the South, the property only works. Freemen there think work disgraceful, and do little of it. At the North, there is a desire to increase the value of labor and to free the laborer. At the South, there is a universal desire to extend the area of Slavery, and to keep the laborer in a state of Slavery, even when he has "blue eyes and brown hair, and might readily pass for white." At the North, protection tends to diversify the employment of labor, to increase the demand for it, and to increase its reward, while public opinion tends towards the gratuitous distribution of public land among the actual settlers of it, and the establishment of a squatter sovereignty. At the South, the Richmond Enquirer, the organ of the Virginia aristocracy above described, tells its readers that it has "little hope of the defeat of the [Homestead] bill. The conservatism of the Senate," as it continues, "Will hardly reject so plausible an appeal to popular passion. King Caucus is no longer monarch; the more soft, subtle, and persuasive Prince of Demagoguism now reigns supreme in the province of polities. It is barely possible that the ineasure may be arrested by executive veto." Northern policy is attractive of immigration, because it looks thus to the elevation of the laborer. Immigration is always largest when mills and furnaces are being built, and when there is the greatest demand for labor, and it always declines as mills are closed and furnaces are permitted to go out of blast. Under the tariff of 1828, immigration trebled, and by 1834 it had reached 6o,000; after which it remained nearly stationary until the tariff of 1842 came fully into operation, when it commenced to increase with such rapidity, that in 1847, it had already almost reached a quarter of a million, the point it would have touched ten years sooner, had the people of the North been permitted to direct the operations of the government, in accordance with the views of Franklin, Washington, Jefferson, Madison, and Jackson; and long before the present time it would have reached a million. To this, however, "the impersonation of the well-born, well-educated, and well-bred aristocrat" is opposed. It dislikes "squatter sovereignty," and holds in great contempt the people of "the hireling States," who sell their own labor, while looking with great complacency upon the operations of its own people engaged in feeding corn to men, women, and children, to be sold in Louisiana and Texas, there to swell "the immense commercial *The causes of the increase of emigration are very numerous, not one only; and the chief incitement to it is cheap land, not furnaces in blast, J, R. resources of the South," which constitute, as we are assured in the Enquirer, "the basis of the commerce of the Universe." It would, therefore, if it could, put a stop to the voluntary immigration of free men, while it would gladly reopen the African slave-trade, now regarded at the South as the real measure of civilization. North of Mason and Dixon's line, of the Ohio, and of 36° 30', we hare land sufficient for hundreds of millions of inhabitants. We need population, and the surest way to bring it is to afford to the people of Europe reason for believing that by coming here they will be enabled to earn higher wages than they can obtain at home, and enjoy, in greater perfection, the advantages of freedom. Every person that comes here is worth to the community all he cost to raise, and the average cost of the men, women, and children we import, is certainly not less than a thousand dollars. Were these people black, and did they come from Africa to Southern ports, they would be property, and the community would be regarded as being richer by at least five hundred dollars a head, because of their importation. If so there, why not so here? To the community it matters not who is the owner of property, provided it exists and is owned among themselves. The negro is the property of another, but the free immigrant is his own property, and hence more valuable than the negro, and every such person constitutes an addition to the wealth of the community of at least a thousand dollars. Northern policy, even as it is now carried out, attracts nearly 400,000 such persons annually, few or none of whom would come under an entire Southern policy, and to this vast immigration is to a great extent due the fact that in a single Western State, Illinois, the increase in the value of property in the year 1853, over that of 1852, was fifty-eight millions of dollars, or more than five times as much as the annual value of that portion of our trade with the South, that is dependent on its refraining from executing its threat of dissolution. Had the Northern policy been fully carried out, we should now be importing people at double our present rate, and every man so imported would be adding to the value of Southern products, by consuming thrice, and perhaps five times, as much cotton and sugar as he consumed at home. At the same time they would be adding to the value of Northern land and labor to the extent of at least the sum we have named, or an amount of four hundred millions of dollars, being more than twenty dollars per head of the present population of the States we have assigned to a Northern Union. Adding this quantity to those already obtained, we feel disposed to place the loss of the North, from the continuance of the Union, at about forty dollars per head; while the gain therefrom does not exceed forty centsthe difference, or $39.60 per head, being, as we think, the net annual loss to the Northern States. THE CASE AS IT STANDS. We have now in those States more than seventeen millions of people, and if we add thereto the population of the British provinces, the sum will be nearly twenty millions. Annexation of those provinces pan never take place while we shall continue so busily occupied in extending the area of Slavery, to which the people of Canada are so much opposed. They tell us, frankly, that they will make no connection with us, "That will empower the slave-driver to make Canada a hunting ground. Human flesh and blood shall never be bartered in Canada like the beasts of the field. The baying of the bloodhounds shall never echo through our woods. If Mitchell wants a plantation of fat negroes to flog,' he will have to seek it in some other place than Canada. If Canada ever becomes a State of the Union, it will not be until its soil is soaked with blood.” — Toronto Colonist. With a Northern Union, this difficulty could have no existence, and the advantages of Union are to the Provinces so great that, were it removed, annexation would follow as a necessary consequence. What, then, would be the real loss resulting from a secession by the South, with a view to carry out the now favorite project of a great Slave Republic, embracing some of the Slave States, Cuba, Brazil, and probably Hayti, whose people would be reënslaved? We should lose the companionship of five millions of white men who give seven millions of votes, and thereby deprive the whole free people of the North of all control over their own actions, while taxing them hundreds of millions for the purchase and protection of territory sufficient to enable themselves to hold the reins of government. We should, on the other hand, gain a connection with two and a half millions of free people who sell their own labor, and therefore desire that "the hireling" should be largely paid. We should lose a connection with five millions who differ from us in all our modes of thought in regard to the rights of man, and gain a connection with half that number who agree with us in reference to that important subject. We should lose a connection with men who look only to exhausting their land and then abandoning it, and gain one in which every man is cultivating his own homestead, and, therefore, desirous of improving it for the benefit of himself, his wife, and his children, and ready to unite with us in every measure tending to that result. We should lose a connection with a dead body, and gain one with a living man. Further than this, a Northern Union, pursuing a policy tending to elevate the laborer, by diversifying and increasing the demand for labor, would attract twice the number of immigrants we now receive, and would thus add so enormously to our numbers and our wealth, that we hesitate not to express our full belief that such a Union would, in twenty years from this date, be richer and more populous than will be our present Union if it continued for that time. Stronger it would certainly be, for Slavery is an element of weakness. More respectable it would certainly be, for we cannot command the respect of the world while appearing every where as the advocates of Slavery, and the executors of the Fugitive Slave Law. More moral Reënslave the Haytiens! All the forces of the South, and all the legions of hell combined, could not reënslave the Haytiens. It would be equally easy to enslave the Yankees. Such a Union would hasten the advent of Republicanism in Europe one half a century at least. Reformers of the Old World could then point to a truly free Republic. Now they dare not speak in praise of a country which carries the slaveholder's lash in its right hand, and the Declaration of Independence in its left. J. R. would it be, for we do not covet our neighbor's lands, nor would we make of himself a chattel. Examine the matter, therefore, as we may, the balance of profit and loss seems to us to be in favor of permitting our Southern friends to exercise their own judgments as to the time, manner, and extent of secession. The case, as it now stands, is thus stated by the Charleston Evening News: "It is vain to disguise it, the great issue of our day in this country is, Slavery or no Slavery. The present phase of that issue is, the extension or non-extension of the institution, the foundations of which are broad and solid in our midst. Whatever the general measure—whatever the political combinations-whatever the party movement — whatever the action of sections at Washington, the one single, dominant, and pervading idea, solving all leading questions, insinuating itself into every polity, drawing the horoscopes of all aspirants, serving as a lever or fulcrum for every interest, class, and individuality a sort of directing fatality, is that master issue. As, in despite of right and reason of organism and men- of interests and efforts, it has become per se political destiny- why not meet it? It controls the North, it controls the South—it precludes escape. It is at last and simply a question between the South and the remainder of the Union, as sections and as people. All efforts to give it other divisions, to solve it by considerations other than those which pertain to them in their local character and fates, to divert it, to confound it with objects and designs of a general nature, is rendered futile. It has to be determined by these real parties, by their action in their character as sections inchoate countries." Such are the parties to this great question of the enlargement or contraction of the Freedom of man-" sections inchoate countries." How soon they will become really different countries — enemies in war, and in peace friends-depends upon the South, which has for thirty years threatened secession, and has thus far been conciliated only by the exercise of almost unlimited power to buy land and create poor Slave States, with small population, as offsets to large, populous, and wealthy Free States at the North. The cup of conciliation has, however, been drained, and, if the Missouri Compromise be now repealed, even the dregs will scarcely, we think, be found at its bottom. That the monstrous Nebraska Bill can become a law, we do not believe, nor can we believe that Southern gentlemen will generally be found advocating such an extraordinary violation of faith; but should we err in this, and should the failure of this new attempt at the enlargement of slave territory and extension of slave power be followed by a determination on the part of the South to insist on their right of secession, why the only answer to be made will be in the words of Senator Fessenden, "They need not put it off a day on our account." VIRGINIA. For thirty years, the South has threatened to dissolve the Union, unless permitted to control its commercial policy, to tax the Northern people for the purchase of land and the maintenance of fleets and armies required for its own use, and to manufacture States like Florida and Arkansas, to be used as a set-off against the rapidly-growing States of the North-west; and now we are threatened with dissolution unless we yield up Kansas and Nebraska, on one hand, and pay a hundred millions for Cuba on the other. What is the profit and what the loss likely to result to the North from the practical enforcement by the South of its right to secession, we have here |