the principle of turning to their own advantage what they cannot help, will entice others, to go every length of compliance that they are required. And a prince, coming in on the bottom of right hereditary and indefeasible, will think he hath the clearest title to absolute power. His partizans, even whilst he is out of possession, have openly avowed that he hath : and what can be expected then, if he should get into it! The mere exercise of such a power very probably will not satisfy: but declarations and oaths be invented for the acknowledgment and support of it; which, it will be impossible for us, either to make with innocence, or to refuse with safety.

Then for the state of our religion: no one instance can be given, that Popery ever spared Protestantism for any continuance, after it was able safely to oppress it. But least of all will favour be shewn here, longer than necessity obliges. For, to whatever tenderness many of that communion may be inclined; as, no doubt, there are numbers amongst them of mild and worthy persons: yet the uncharitable part will assuredly prevail, as they always have done every where; and falsely imputing to our religion that pretended disloyalty, which proceeded only from their illegal attempts to overturn the whole constitution, will not fail to argue, that the same cause must produce again the same effect, and therefore must not be permitted to subsist. Think then, all that love the Church of England, all that believe the doctrines of the Reformation to be the truth of Christ, what a condition it will be, either to profess and practise the falsehoods and impieties, of which you are so thoroughly convinced, or to be driven from this, and every other place of God's public worship, into corners; nay, in a while, to be dragged out

thence also, and sacrificed to that mother of abominations, which hath so long been drunken with the blood of the saints*.

And let even them who are indifferent, or doubters, or unbelievers in religion, reflect on this at least: that, as they are always inveighing against superstition, so the church of Rome is over-run with it to the highest degree possible: and, as they are always exclaiming against the wealth and the power of ecclesiastics; so the wealth and the power, the pride and the tyranny of popery, are unspeakably the greatest, that ever the world knew. And if they will notwithstanding go at present upon their favourite maxim, that all religions are the same, it will be a just judgment of God to make them feel the difference.

But to these things it may be answered, that the most solemn obligations have unquestionably been entered into, by him who claims the crown, for our entire security, both in Church and State. Nor indeed could any thing seem in speculation more likely: because nothing is more apparently requisite in all common policy. And yet, surprising as it is, no one clear and explicit declaration of this kind was made by the Pretender at the time of the last rebellion : nor can I hear of any made by him at present. And I beg you to consider, if he will not promise plainly now, what will he do afterwards? For as to any good words, given by another in his name, what can be easier for him, than to disavow them, as going beyond the commission which he granted? But suppose the strongest assurances given by himself: were they not given by the bloody queen Mary to her protestant subjects, who had fully merited them by their zeal for raising her to the throne? * Rev. xvii. 5, 6.

And did she not persecute them immediately, and burn them in little more than a twelvemonth? Were they not given by the late king James? And had he not strong motives of gratitude, as well as conscience, to keep them? And yet did he keep them for the smallest part of four years? How can we then flatter ourselves, that any one who claims under him, will be at all more favourable to that religion, and those liberties, which have been all this time the capital enemies to his pretensions? The most formal declarations, that he can make, have been over and over, and long since the Revolution, declared by the authority of the see of Rome, " utterly null and void from "the beginning, whenever they are prejudicial, in

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any manner, and the least degree" (I use the very words of pope Clement XI. in the very case of stipulations made in favour of protestants) "to the Ca"tholic faith, the salvation of souls, or to any rights "of the church whatsoever; even though such en

gagements have been often ratified, and confirmed "by oath *." Let therefore the Pretender to the crown make promises ever so full and expressive, let his natural dispositions to keep them be ever so favourable; yet, as he professes subjection of conscience to the pope's determinations, under whose eye he hath long resided, in whose dominions his son, who hath now invaded us, was born and educated, and by whose bounty they have both been all along supported; he cannot refuse to break which shall be declared sinful by his infallible guide; who may purposely have connived at his engaging in them, in order to his breaking them at a proper time. But if he were to refuse it; can we imagine,

any

ties,

* Clem. XI. Pont. Max. Epist. et Brevia, fol. Romæ, 1724. tom ii. p. 179.

that all his successors too will be so obstinately undutiful, as to spare a religion which they mortally hate, when they believe extirpating it will entitle them to heaven, and atone for all the sins of a wicked life?

It must be acknowledged, popery hath appeared milder of late, than in former ages. Yet even our days have known the executions of Thorn, and the banishments of Saltzburg: and France, this very year, hath been persecuting and murdering our protestant brethren for the profession of their faith. Nor hath the church of Rome ever given up any one of the claims, which it may have forborne to exercise : and should it once regain so much of its ancient power, as would necessary follow from prevailing here, it would soon resume its ancient fierceness in proportion.

Shall we persuade ourselves then, that fear will restrain a popish prince from attempting to overturn our religion and laws? But what if his greatest fear should be that of damnation for not attempting it? which was the known case of king James, and may be that of others after him. Or what if it should be held the safest way, in a political view, to make thorough work at once, by the assistance of foreigners, now preparing to invade us?

Still it may be said, that whoever becomes our king, will at least, for his own interest, be careful of the trade and power of the nation. But how can he, if he would; when he must undoubtedly have promised the contrary to foreign powers already? And if he is capable of deceiving them, how shall we trust him? But supposing he hath promised them nothing: yet, if he prevails by their help, what can he be else, than a deputy and a

viceroy, subject to the commands of our most for midable adversaries?

This consideration ought in reason to alarm even those who wish well to his cause, even those who profess his religion; and make them utter enemies to his coming in such a manner, however desirous they may be of his coming otherwise. For can we, or can they, make terms with the power of France, when we have once given it a footing in the heart of our country; or hope, that any terms, which are made, will ever be observed? Will that most ambitious and perfidious crown lose such an opportunity of weakening us by our own strength, making us dependent on itself for ever, and tools to enslave the rest of Europe? Will it not treat both us, and the king it sets over us, as the tyrant of Babylon did the prince, whom he gave to the Jews? He hath made a covenant with him, and taken an oath of him; he hath taken also the mighty of the land; that the kingdom might be base, that it might not lift up itself; but that by the keeping of his covenant it might stand *.

Such then being the view of our dangers, let us proceed to consider,

II. The spirit, with which we ought to defend ourselves against them. Let us be of good courage, and play the men. These words may seem to express the duty of the soldiery alone. And, without question, they express that peculiarly: and, joined with the following ones, clearly shew, that a strong sense of religion, and a virtuous concern for the common welfare, are the two principles, that will give military persons bravery and success; as they did to those, whose history the text relates. But still the more literal translation is, Be strong, and let us

* Ezek. xvii. 13, 14.