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The question is not whether the people of the United States sympathize with the new Republic of Brazil. It is a question of whether this government may recognize with entire propriety a government which the people of Brazil have not yet had the opportunity of approving or disapproving.28

We can and do rejoice as a people at the signs of the daybreak of republicanism in Brazil, but our Government can not officially act until the people of Brazil have by their ballots freely and fully accepted the new order. No other course is consistent with that prudence and dignity which make recognition of some value when it is given.29

Time, which tries all things, may be trusted to reveal the true inwardness of the Brazilian revolution. Nowhere on this earth is the establishment of a genuine republic so sure to be acclaimed with fervor as it is in the United States. But in our eyes the title of Republic is too sacred to be made the mask, decoy, and catchword of military usurpers.30

As a matter of fact, the Republican administration did not require much persuasion or compulsion. The PanAmerican interests and sympathies of James G. Blaine who was then Secretary of State are well known. He was not the man to continue a policy of conservatism and caution when reports were current to the effect that other American states and even European countries were recognizing the new republic of Brazil. According, on January 29, 1890, while evidence of the disposition of the Brazilian people toward the revolutionary government must still have remained far from explicit and conclusive, formal recognition

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28The Washington Star (Independent), December 21, 1889. 29The Boston Advertiser (Republican), December 20, 1889.

30 The New York Sun (Democratic), December 22, 1889. For a more complete survey of the press with reference to this matter, see Public Opinion, VIII (December 28, 1889), p. 279ff.

was extended to the agents of Brazil at Washington.31 This step rendered a resolution of recognition on the part of Congress superfluous. Friends of the administration pushed through a joint resolution of congratulation, however, and this was presented to the provisional government on April 2, 1890, when the fate of the revolution was still far from certain.32

In fact, the overthrow of Don Pedro, as is well known, was followed by more than four years of intermittent disorders. The first president of the republic was overthrown by a faction in his own government, Congress was dissolved, and martial law was declared before the revolutionists had been in power a year. Subsequently the constitutional order was restored, but dissatisfaction was not completely overcome. Finally, in the late summer of 1893 a formidable revolt of the navy occurred. For a time it looked as if the government would be overthrown, but by the close of the following year the insurgents were subdued and Brazil entered upon the regime of orderly republicanism which she has been able to maintain to the present day.

During this period the United States was an interested, a sympathetic, and at times an uneasy observer. Not only was there anxiety to see the republican experiment succeed and the Brazilian people made happy by the achievement of more complete liberty and prosperity, but there was strong apprehension with reference to the possible interference of some of the nations of Europe. In the summer of 1890 the United States dispatched a small squadron southward with orders to make a "friendly visit” to Rio. Near the close of the year 1891 when fear of plots to restore the monarchy led to the dissolution of the Brazilian Congress and the proclamation of martial law, the executive department at Washington counseled moderation.33 Later, after the revolt

31John Bassett Moore, A Digest of International Law (Washington, 1906), I, 160-161; J. M. Cardosa de Oliveira, Actos Diplomaticos de Brazil (Rio, 1912), II, 162.

32 Papers Relating to the Foreign Relations of the United States (1890), pp. 22-27.

33Ibid. (1891), p. 42; (1890), pp. 23-27.

of the navy had broken out and war-vessels of the leading European states appeared at Rio, the naval contingent of the United States in the region was effectively augmented, and there was considerable discussion of the Monroe Doctrine in the press.34 In speaking of the situation at this time President Cleveland remarked:

It appearing at an early stage of the insurrection that its course would call for unusual watchfulness on the part of our government, our naval force in the harbor of Rio de Janeiro was strengthened. This precaution, I am satisfied, tended to restrict the issue to a simple trial of strength between the Brazilian government and the insurgents and to avert complications which at times seemed imminent. 35

No nation ever proved itself more deserving or more grateful for the kindly interest and profound sympathy of a friendly power than did Brazil. One of the first acts of the republican congress was the passage of resolutions of thanks to the United States ;36 one of the first important international agreements of the new government granted the United States valuable commercial concessions.37 Exhortations to moderation which might have been resented, or cooly received, by a less broad minded or more sensitive government were accepted with utmost good faith. The Brazilian minister at Washington was directed to

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transmit to the President of the United States of
America the expressions of gratefulness of the
President of the United States of Brazil for the
deep interest manifested for the new political in-
stitutions of this country. The moderation that he
would advise is born in the character of the Bra-

34Ibid. (1893), p. 45ff. See also, in connection with rumors of European sympathy with the insurgents, J. B. Moore, op. cit., VI, 439 and authorities cited; Public Opinion, VIII-XVI (1890-1894), index.

35J. D. Richardson, Messages and Papers of the Presidents, IX, 524.

36 Papers Relating to the Foreign Relations of the United States (1891), pp. 50-51.

871bid., pp. 43, 44, 46. passim.

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zilian people, in the sentiment and in the policy of
its President, and has been practiced by his Gov-
ernment. The President acknowledges with great
satisfaction that in this instance, as in so many
others, the two republics find themselves in perfect


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On April 15, 1892, in accordance with a previous agreement with the La Plata government, the President of Brazil requested the chief executive of the United States to serve as arbiter in the boundary question pending between these two Hispanic American republics ;39 July 4, 1894, was celebrated by an informal holiday and great pomp and ceremony in Rio de Jameiro; on November 15, following, the corner stone of the pedestal of a proposed monument to James Monroe was laid ;40 and in December, 1895, when news of Cleveland's stand with reference to the AngloVenezuelan boundary dispute reached the Brazilian capital, both houses of congress passed resolutions congratulating the government of Washington, while the Senate of the South American republic sent greetings and congratulations “to the Senate of the United States of America upon the worthy message of President Cleveland, who so strenuously guards the dignity, the sovereignty, and the freedom of the American nations."41 The understanding between the two republics could scarcely have been more cordial and complete.

38 Papers Relating to the Foreign Relations of the United States (1891), p. 52.

39Ibid. (1892), pp. 17-19.
401bid. (1894), pp. 85-86, passim.
411bid. (1895), pp. 75-76.



The April elections throughout the country returned the Radical Party to power. Mercelo T. de Alvear, candidate for president, secured substantial majorities over the Conservative and Socialist candidates. At the same time Mr. Tomas Le Breton, Argentinean ambassador to the United States, was elected to the Senate from the Buenos Aires district; the ambassador resigned his post immediately after the announcement of his election.

The triumph of the Radical Party came as a surprise following the bitter opposition to President Irigoyen led by the most powerful faction of the press; but the election assures that party of another seven years in which to develop the program laid out by the preceding administration.

According to the latest census, Buenos Aires has a population of 1,700,000, this making it the second largest Latin city in the world.

The Government has sent several commercial agents to European capitals to study the meat market and the possibilities of developing the Argentinean meat industry.

A workers' convention made up of representatives from different cities recently met in Buenos Aires to discuss plans for the unification of all labor organizations.

The Government has authorized the Banco de la Nacion to make loans up to $50,000 nacionales each to land owners and to farmers holding not less than a five year lease.

Immigration, especially from Germany and Spain, is constantly increasing, more than 25,000 immigrants having passed through Buenos Aires in a single month.


President Pessoa has vetoed the budget bill for 1922 as passed by Congress, basing his action on the grounds that

1 Prepared by the Editor of Latin-American Affairs.

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