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once granted, as it, undoubtedly must, that 10 per cent. is the fair premium, all below it may be considered as taken out of the funds of the proprietor.

Such is the state of the British cotton. planter. That of his North American rival is much superior. Situate in the midst of the necessaries of life, he depends on himself or his neighbours for support. He purchases land at cheaper rate, and imported his negroes at an inferior expence. Every thing diminishes the imtrinsic cost of cotton properties in the United States, and the regulations of Great Britain increase

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the value of the produce. The limits of this essay do not permit further details; but should circumstances allow, they may perhaps be laid before the public. At present, it may suffice to state that if the North American planter nets 6d. per lb., he can afford to cultivate cotton. Now the expences of cultivation, of navigation, &c. are very trifling. Hence he can always undersell the British planter.

Similar local adventitious advantages operate in favour of the Brazil planter, and his receipts from the greater fineness of his produce, are still higher.

TABLE of the PRICES of the best COTTON WOOL, per lb. Those of inferior quality sell from 2d. to Sd. per lb. less. (A.)

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TABLE of the several DUTIES on every 100lb. of COTTON WOOL, since they were first imposed.

(B.)

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In British ships it pays the same as British produce. † 11. 5s. when direct, 211. 14d. indirect. 11. 59. 3d. in British bottom. § Turkish cotton pays the same.

TABLE

TABLE of COTTON imported annually into GREAT BRITAIN, from 1797 to 1810.

(C.)

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The condition to which the cottonplanter is reduced, as well as the nature of his claims, having been already stated, the next object of attention is his former situation, which is best Icarnt from the preceding tables. The most superficial observer must be struck with the first of these, containing the prices of cottonwool from the year 1781 to 1809.

Although the annual average fluctuated very considerably from the commencement of that period to the year 1788, it never was less than 1s 11d. per ib. while, on a majority of years, it exceeded 2s. making a total average of 23. 25. per lb.

During the next eight years, (from 1788 to 1796) the political derangements of Europe produced severe consequences to the colonists. In 1789, cotton-wool fell to an average of 1s. 5d. In the subsequent years it rose as high as 25.

but was very unsteady. The average of the whole term, was a fraction more than 1s. 6d. per lb.

The horizon of the planter seems to have been illumined for the next five years (until 1801); for the minimum of the annual average was, during that time, 2s. 7d. and the maximum 3s. 1d., and the total average 2s. 74d.

In the year of peace it fell to the average of 25. From that year to 1807, it fluctuated between 18. 10d. and 2s. 2., averaging, upon the whole, 2s. per lb.

The prices during 1808 and 1809 were better, but cannot be admitted into à general statement, as they originated in causes so novel and unnatural, that a recurrence of them cannot be expected during another century.

The average of the current year is below 1s. 10d. and will probably be

This head comprises East Indian cotton, of which considerable quantities have been imported likewise in the years preceding 1805, and in 1810, but we have not any documents at band, shewing the quantity in each year.

The extraordinary diminution of these two years, arose from the cession of the colonies of Demerary, Issequibo, Berbice, and Surinam, to Holland; and from the war, which confined the importation to our own produce. On the re-capture of the above-named colonies, the quantity immediately increased.

still

still less, as the quantity imported of foreign cotton is rapidly encreasing. The natural consequence of which, is a diminution of price.

During the first term marked out, (from 1781 to 1788, inclusive) cotton wool, as has been already remarked, sold on an average at 2s. 23d. At that time, no duties were levied. Every article required by the colonies was much cheaper. Navigation charges were equally small; and the peace which then existed, favoured the manufactories at home, which benefited the planter.

The actual expenditure was, of course, much inferior to what it now is, while the price was higher.

It may be assumed, as a broad and incontrovertible fact, that the price of every article is double what it was in 1781. The plantation charges may therefore be stated at one-half of what they are according to a preceding statement, that is at 34d. per lb. of cotton wool; and supposing the mercantile charges to have been the same as they now are, they, after deduction of 2d. for the duties, are 51d. per lb. Thus, the gross charges upon every pound of cotton wool, would then have been 9d. which leaves 1s. 5d. of actual receipt to the planter of that time.

Lest this mode of estimating be not admissable, let another be adopted, and the results will be found nearly the same. Among mercantile people, fourpence per lb. was generally supposed sufficient to cover all the difference between war and peace charges. This, it must be remarked, was previous to the present war, since which the duty has been nearly doubled on British cotton. About one-penny per lb. may therefore be added to the estimate of the merchants, which increases it to 5d. per lb. When this is deducted from 1s. 21d. the present expences, 94d. will remain as the real expence of the former period; and the additional half-penny may be considered equivalent to the enhanced price of every necessary for the estates, though it is in fact below it.

The cotton-planter of these eight years received 1s. 5. which, from the diminished value of money, was equal to at least one-half more than it now is.

The second period, though less favoured in point of actual receipt, was equally so by the inferiority of every description of

expence, and by the non-imposition of duties, as the gross proceeds of sale averaged a fraction more than is. 8d. per lb. The clear receipt was therefore about nine-pence. Had the plauter, not been favoured, as he fortunately was, the fate which now seems to impend over him, would have been then accomplished, and with less destructive effects to the state. It has been his lot to have his hopes raised to the highest pitch, and then, by a refinement in cruelty, to have them dashed away with the rudest violence.

The expences were somewhat encreased during the third series (from 1796 to 1802) about the middle of which (in 1799) a duty of 8s. 9d. per 100lbs. or of a fraction more than 1d. per lb. was imposed on British cotton wool; while, strange to tell, 6s. 6d. per 100lbs. or about 2d. per lb. was laid on American produce in American bottoms., The average price was 2s. 74d. If the whole expence amounted to 1s. 2d. which it certainly did not, the planter netted 1s. 51d. which was quite equal to his wants or his wishes.

The diminution of charges during the short-lived peace of Amiens, remedied, to a certain extent, the smallness of the price, which was only 2s. per lb. They were about 10d. per lb. which left 1s. 2d. for the proprietor.

From the renewal of hostilities to 1808, while 2s. per lb. has been the average price of cotton wool, every thing has happened to diminish the planter's funds. For, immediately on the breaking out of the war, a duty of 10s. 6d. per 100lbs. or 14d. per lb. was laid on British, and 7s. 10d. per 100lbs. or 3d. and a fraction, on American cotton in American bottoms.

In 1805, this highly improper distinction in favour of the latter ceased, and the duties were increased to 16s. 8d. per 100lbs. or 2d. and a fraction per Ib. on British, and 17s. 8d. per 100lbs. or about 21d. per lb. on American produce.

Both, however, are on equal terms when the latter is imported in British bottoms. The duty on British produce was in the following year raised to 16s. 10d. and has continued steadily the same; that an American cotton was first (in 1808) raised to 17s. 10d. per 100lbs. or 24d. per lb. and lately to 20s. 5d. per 100lbs. or about 21d. per lb. when imported directly, and 21s. 14d. per 100lbs. or a fraction more than 21d. per lb, when indirectly. The former

inequality

inequality, when imported in British shipping, is still retained.

The Brazilian cotton growers enjoy similar privileges, when they employ British vessels; but pay 11. 5s. 2d. per 100lbs. or 3d. per lb. in their own shipping.

The British cotton proprietors have therefore been receiving only 10d. per lb. turing that period, which, however inadequate, is superior to his present receipt, and would not have been so high, had the average been made only for the three last years, excluding 1808 and 1809 for the reasons already assigned. It has been shewn, in a preceding page, to have been no more than 1s. 11d.

Before this part of the subject is closed, it may be worthy of attention to refer to the Table C. in which a statement is given of the quantities of cotton imported into this country. From 1804 to the present time, the British have steadily averaged about 20 millions of pounds, while America vacillated from 10 to 47 millions, as caprice dictated. The increase is going on; and early in May, it was 4th more than it had been last year.

The Brazil cotton has suddenly increased from 7 millions of pounds to about 231 millions.

That from India, &c. from about 4 to 144 millions of pounds.

These facts need no comment; they speak for themselves on terms too unequi vocal to be misunderstood.

For the Monthly Magazine. LETTERS DESCRIPTIVE of CHELTENHAM, und its VICINITY.—No. V.

UNSAT

Cheltenham, August 10, 1808. NSATISFIED with the cursory view which we had already taken of Sudeley Castle, I eargerly hastened thither on the following morning to take a solitary survey of this beautiful pile. The dilapidated remains of that exquisite piece of Gothic architecture, once, alas! appropriated to sacred uses, soon rivetted my attention, and while I mused on the instability of all earthly things, I bestowed a tributary sigh upon the ashes of the illustrious dead, that even now repose within its shattered walls. tered it with an indescribable feeling of reverence and of indignation; and as I lingered with pensive pleasure over the violated grave of the hapless Katherine, the melancholy aspect of the surrounding objects insensibly diffused over my mind its gloomy influence. On the right, the MONTHLY Mao. No. 203.

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dismantled niches that were once decorated with the sepulchral memorials of the noble family of Chandos, are still visible, in one of which, the mutilated trunk of a female figure yet remains. On the left, a large block of alabaster points out the probable situation of the monument of Katherine Parr.

The page of history presents few par. ticulars respecting this exemplary woman, A dreadful detail of intrigues and fac tions, of rapine and slaughter, allows but small space for the delineation of characters that have added to the lustre of eminent stations--the practice of virtues that ought to have endeared their memories to the latest posterity. I shall therefore refer to my portfolio, and col lect, for your perusal, such brief notices of her life, as my desultory reading may have casually furnished.

It is hardly necessary to premise, that Katherine was the eldest daughter of sir Thomas Parr, of Kendal, in Westmore land, who carefully heightened her per sonal attractions with the irresistible charm of a well-cultivated understanding. At this period, the learned languages were the only avenues to literary knowledge, and an intimate acquaintance with the writers of antiquity was the most fashionable female accomplishment. The fine talents of Katherine, thus happily improved, shone conspicuously forth at an early age, and she soon acquired considerable celebrity, both for the su periority of her sense, and the extent of her learning. Indeed, the sixteenth century produced more women eminent for erudition, than any subsequent period; and 1 most cordially agree with the ele gant author of the Persian Letters," that in a country where women are admitted to a familiar and constant share in every active scene of life, particular care should be taken with their education, to cultivate their reason, and form their hearts, that they may be equal to the part they have to act:" and I think it may fairly be questioned, whether the solid attainments of the old school are not better calculated to produce this desirable end, thau all the superficial frippery of modern accomplishments.

Katherine is said to have been twice married before she was advanced to the throne. Her first husband was the son of Edward lord Borough, who died young, and of whom little is known. Her second was John lord Latimer, who had been previously married, and of whom I only know that he was se

lected

lected by the rebels in Ask's insurrection, called the Pilgrimage of Grace, to treat for them with the duke of Norfolk, and that he died in 1542, which was soon after his marriage. Katherine was always distinguished for piety, and embraced early the doctrines of the Reformation, which were then speedily gaining ground. I know not on what occasion she first attracted the notice of the king (Henry VIII.); but it appears that the infidelity of his late wife had deter. mined him to select for his sixth, not only a woman of unblemished reputation, but one whose conduct had before given proof of the strictest conjugal integrity. Her union with Henry took place at Hampton-court, on the 12th of June, 1543, when she was probably in her 34th year. From this time she devoted herself with the most assiduous attention, to the anxious cares of the dangerous station on which she bad entered. Her amiable manners and conciliating de portment secured the affection of her husband, while the charms of her conversation soothed his mind, and alleviated his sufferings. Her religious opinions however did not agree with his, and on those points he was, and would be, absolute. This, notwithstanding her cautious prudence, was observed with malicious satisfaction by many about the court; and the wily bishop of Winchester at length decided upon her destruction. She was therefore privately accused of holding unlawful tenets, and of reading heretical books. Some of her conversations with the king seemed to give colour to these accusations, and his indignation was immediately roused. A warrant was accordingly made out for her commitment to the Tower, and it was doubtless the intention of the bishop to have brought her ultimately to the stake. Accident, however, disclosed to her the impending danger, and indisposition was the consequence of this discovery. The king, as if retaining his former tenderness, not only made her a kind visit, but dispatched his own physician to attend her. By the advice of this worthy man, who was acquainted with the secret cause of her malady, she shortly after sought the presence of the king. A religious subject was soon introduced for discussion, and she then, with great address, so completely satisfied his scruples, that a hearty reconciliation took place between them, and she afterwards acquired such an ascendancy over him, that her enemies

thus baffled, never again attempted to lessen her in the king's estimation.

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Her personal attendance on her husband during the short period that she was his nurse rather than his wife, must necessarily have been fatiguing, and the ceremonials connected with her elevated station, of course, occupied much of her time; yet Katherine found opportunities to pursue her favourite studies, and endeavoured to enlighten the dark hemisphere in which she was placed by the publication of several devotional productions, that do equal credit to her understanding, and her piety. The attention which she paid to the best theological writers is evinced by her book of Prayers and Meditations, collected out of Holy Works," which she published in 1545, and which also contains fifteen psalms composed in imitation of those of David, on particular subjects. This work was the same year translated by the princess, (afterwards queen) Elizabeth, into Latin, French, and Italian ; and her manuscript, which is dedicated to her father, is still preserved. Katherine also translated and published “ A godlie exposition of the fifty-first Psalm, which Hierom of Ferrary made at the latter end of his days," and to this she has annexed some smaller pieces of her own composition. A manuscript that was found among her papers after her decease, is also in print, entitled "Queen Katherine Parre's Lamentations of a Sinner, bewailing the Ignorance of her blind Life." This is a relic of great value, inasmuch as it relates principally to herself, and contains a genuine por trait of a comprehensive and reflecting mind, reviewing with regret its former wanderings amidst the dark mazes of superstition, and hailing with grateful joy its approach to light and truth.

So great was the queen's desire to promote a free examination of the Scriptures, as the best means of exposing those errors which ignorance had hitherto fostered, that she caused the paraphrase of Erasmus on the New Testament, to be translated into English at her own expense, and even engaged the princess Mary (afterwards queen) to undertake that part of it which related to the gospel of St. John. This task the princess is said to have performed most admirably, and indeed so much was a taste for letters then cultivated among women of

* She was then only twelve years old."

distinction

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