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PRINTED FOR RICHARD PHILLIPS, No. 6, NEW BRIDGE-STREET,
By whom Communications (Post-paid) are thankfully received,

(Price Fifteen Shillings half-bound.)

Printed by J. APLARD, Duke-street, West-Smithfield.

1

THE

MONTHLY MAGAZINE.

No. 202.]

AUGUST 1, 1810.

[1 of VOL. 30.

As long as those who write are ambitious of making Converts, and of giving their Opinions a Maximum of Influence and Celebrity, the most extenfively circulated Mifcellany will repay with the greatest Effect the Curiofity of those who read either for Amusement or Instruction.—JOHNSON.

ORIGINAL COMMUNICATIONS.

For the Monthly Magazine. ed and separated from each other, might OBSERVATIONS on the PRESENT STATE of have otherwise been withheld from the

the COTTON COLONIES. HE critical nature of the present

Tperiod renders it indispensable that

the various parts of the empire should have their interests so consolidated and identified, that universal satisfaction and concord may be the consequence. To effect this, no scheme is more likely than that which, by ascertaining the various rights of the different parts of the community, enables the supreme authorities to apportion to all the proper share of those burthens which the exigencies of the times require.

Generosity, the distinguishing characteristic of the British people, spurns at the narrow policy of sacrificing the best interests of one part of the empire to that of any other. Partial calamity, therefore, must have been unknown, or the general spirit of the nation would have long since called loudly for justice; and her cries would have been rendered still more piercing by the paramount suggestions of interest.

Amidst the general pressure of the war, the West India proprietors have suffered in a degree which the public would scarcely have credited, had not the facts been authenticated by unquestionable documents. Formerly they received the fair reward of industry, and of personal sacrifices: at present, they are not merely deprived of such requital, but are absolutely losing what they may have already realized, or becoming so deeply involved as to be obliged to surrender their properties to creditors, who, in turn, must yield to similar evils. Such a state of a great empire cannot long exist without partial ruin and general loss. To obviate both of these events must be the wish of every lover of his country; but before they can be obviated they must be known. The author of these observations undertakes that task, from a solicitude to benefit his fellow citizens, by placing facts within their grasp, which, from being widely scatter MONTHLY MAG, No. 202.

public eye.

The misfortunes of the sugar-planter are generally known from some some able tracts that have been given to the world, by gentlemen fully competent to treat of such subjects. The cotton-planter has, however, had no advocate, though by no means exempted from the general calamities. To point out particularly his sufferings and their causes, is the chief object of these pages. In order to have precise notions on the subject, it is ne cessary to ascertain as clearly as circumstances permit, the real relations of the mother country and her colonies. The principles are, of necessity, general.

A slight sketch will be afterwards given of the former and the present state of the cotton colonies; of the causes of the existing pressure; and of those means of alleviation which seem most feasible and practicable.

Politicians have so long agreed as to the general principle of the relations of the parent state and her colonies, that it may seem almost superfluous to enter upon it in this place. The motives, in which the most vehement dissention ori ginated, have long been at rest; but if ever again called into action, there is little doubt of their resuming their influence on the discussions of those who look no farther than to the object of immediate interest. It will, therefore, be well to take a few of the most important and obvious points into consideration, before a decided opinion is formed.

One party contends that colonies are mere dependencies; the other, that they are integral parts of the empire. The latter opinion seems so congenial to every feeling of the human heart, that it is difficult to discover how liberal men could have been brought to oppose it with the zeal and pertinacity that have been displayed.

The arguments in its favour may be considered of three classes: natural, analogical, and political, A Colonies

Colonies are well known to be esta blishments remote from the seat of empire, that have been originally founded by the nation to which they are attached, as by some others, from which the pos. session has been obtained by conquest or by cession.

The colonies, owing their existence to the possessing power, must be consider ed integral parts of the empire; for in quitting their native shores, neither the first adventurers nor their successors relinquished their birth-right: they merely transferred their habitations; being still subject to the laws of that country which gave them birth: they could not have sacrificed any privileges, because no crime was imputed by law; they suffered the penalties of every crime committed abroad, and succeeded to estates and honours in the same way as if at home. In short, they remained within the pale of their country's laws, except in those instances in which local circumstances rendered it impossible. The regulations of each province of a state are adapted to some peculiarities which do not exist elsewhere: yet the aggregate of these provinces constitute the empire.

It cannot be urged that a temporary relinquishment of privilege may take place; for it involves the gross absurdity of surrendering a power to be resumed at pleasure, while no specific contract to that effect was ever made. The very act of surrendering the advantages of any society, disqualifies a man for the functions of a citizen. His political existence having ceased, he camot perform polifical acts. The whole cominunity alone can enable him to resume his rank among them: the moral difficulty in this case is very analogous to the physical impossibility of a dead man's returning to life by his own act.

No laws, however, have ever been enacted to disfranchise the British colonists of their birth-rights: they are in the same situation with their countrymen on the high seas; alike removed from the immediate superintendance of the government, but equally entitled to protec

tion.

The application of this doctrine to, the original colonies, or those which owe their existence to the state in actual possession, is unquestionable. It is worthy of enquiry, how far they extend to captured colonies. This may be also determined on broad principles, dependent on those already set forth. In such

colonies as have formed no engagemen the arrangement depends on the opt of the conquerors, regulated howe by the eternal principles of justice. those that have capitulated on the press condition of enjoying the privilig of their conquerors, the case becom one of right, not of choice: those w surrender on such terms are entitled all the advantages and immunities their fellow colonists.

The analogical arguments in favour this side of the question, may be fou in the history of every state in Europ Our own country furnishes some striki examples. The very essence of eve political compact, is the reciprocity advantage conferred and received by ea part of the united body. It is theref required only under ordinary circu stances, that each should govern a defend itself; when critical emergenci arise, all must concur in-contributi succour, and each must contribute the best and most efficient manner th its means permit. In Great Britain a Ireland, the manufacturing towns a the fruitful resources of the recruiti service; the sea-ports man our nav yet it cannot be contended that the places alone defend the empire: T other parts do their duty by payi taxes, and promoting other objects national importance, which indirect conduce to the same point. The app cation of this position is sufficiently o vious.

It is worthy of recollection, that the is no political compact in which the d ferent members contribute in the san way, or in the same proportion. This very remarkable in the well-known i stance of the States of Holland, whe Guelderland, the first of the provinces point of rank, paid 5 per cent. of t whole taxes, and Holland, the secon 58 per cent. This is certainly anom lous; but it confirms the general position that each part of the empire furnish the state with means, in proportion its ability. It will hereafter be shew that the West Indies do more than the duty in this respect; which authoris them to expect and to enjoy protectio in ordinary cases, and favour, when the interests are opposed to those of foreig

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colonies defray the whole of their civil establishments; and in most, if not all of them, a considerable surplus remains in the public fund for imperial uses.

The sole expences, then, which Great Britain incurs for her colonies, is confined to small salaries of some of the public officers, (who are moreover amply paid by the colonies themselves) and to that of their military and naval establish

ments.

Political writers have generally computed the value of the several parts of an empire by the number of men that they furnish, and the support they afford to the public revenue. To these points the examination of the value of the West Indies is now reduced. Their constitution precludes an increase of the white population; it is therefore impossible to raise troops for general service from that class of inhabitants. Several black regiments, however, have been raised, some at the sole expence of the colonies in which they were formed. These men form a very respectable military force. In addition to this, there is no part of the empire in which the militia duty falls So generally as in the West Indies. These local troops are self-supported, and perform with fidelity all their duties. In most of the colonies, a gratuitous allowance is made to the British troops that are stationed there; so that the aid, in point of men, though not so complete as in some places, is far beyond some others. Let us examine the test in its other bearings:--the West India colonists contribute to the public revenue in an infinitely larger proportion than any other class of British subjects. In 1804-5, the value of the imports from the British West Indies was above seventeen million of pounds sterling, which yielded above five millions of direct public revenue. By various indirect means, Mr. Lowet computes that an equal sum finds its way into the Treasury; making a total of ten millions of pounds of annual revenue to the state in general.

Besides the enormous revenue drawn from the produce of the colonies, large sums are paid by those West India proprietors resident in Britain, who contribute in a three-fold form to the state: 1. By the colonial taxes; 2. By those on produce; and, 3. By those on revenue in Britain. Mr. Brougham, in his

Young's West Ind.Com. Place Bock, p.86. † Lowe's Inquiry into State, &c. p. 15,

valuable work on Colonial Policy,* estimates the revenue of West India proprietors subject to taxation in this country at several millions. It may be difficult to ascertain the precise amount, but it may be fairly estimated from the net average of four years, at about two millions, which contributes in the same way as any other revenue in this country. If this be the case, under the present grevious system, how much greater would it be in more propitious times. The resources of those already in Britain would be augmented, and others would reside here, who at present are deterred by the difficulties they have to encounter.

Nor is this the whole advantage in point of revenue. Goods to the amount of six millions of pounds are annually exported to the colonies; most of which articles are taxed in some form or other.

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From these facts, it is clear that the West India colonies answer the great criterion of political utility, and ought therefore to enjoy those benefits to which they have such powerful claims.

Although there has been a pretty minute detail of those points which have been selected by politicians, and the importance of which is unquestionable, there are some others of great moment, as promoting national objects in an emi. nent degree.

The quantity of industry called forth by any pursuit, and the real wealth produced by it, form the best criterion of its value. Mr. Bosanquet has well shewn that the value of the imports from, and exports to, the West India colonies, far exceeds that of any trade we have. The monopoly Acts secure all the advantages to the mother country, by excluding every rival. The demand for British produce, the want of which cannot be dispensed with, is so enormous as to call forth directly and indirectly the energies of every part of the empire. An immense number of men are employed by the manufacturers, who are thus supported: British merchants, ship-owner-, insurance brokers, and others, are actually maintained by the West India colonies.

The materials for some very important manufactures are furnished by them, above one-third of the whole of the

Vol. 1.

P.

Young's W. Ìnd. 87.
#Ibid.

Leiter to W, Manning, esq. p. 41. &c. on the Colonies.

cotton

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