have discovered and prescribed. Well-made and clean streets, good water, proper drainage, convenient transit facilities, complete schools, thorough sanitary organization, these, at least, should be considered the irreducible minimum. No city should feel itself rich enough to prosper without them, and no city is so poor that it cannot afford them, if it has any reason whatever for continued existence. But further than this indispensable minimum, any city might hopefully bend its energies toward the acquisition of the finest flowers and fruits of culture and art. Paris has exemplified these propositions with an unfaltering faith in science, in art and in civilization that deserves our homage." E. W. B.

SOCIAL THEORIES. 1

IT is singular that the same publisher should give us, within a few days of each other, books by two individualists who utterly repudiate almost all government activity save that of the policeman, and yet who differ most widely in their pessimism. Mr. Wheeler is a pessimist in the sense of believing that we can have nothing better, since we live in the best of worlds, while Mr. Seymour is a pessimist in the more usual sense of believing that we are going to destruction without much chance of rescue. Neither makes out a strong case. Most refreshing is the calm assumption of Mr. Wheeler that we are now living in an almost ideal condition, which he terms Utopia. Although living in the cultured town of Meadville, Pa., at the end of the nineteenth century, he assures us, with all apparent sincerity, that railroad discriminations to large shippers are natural and right; that the poor do not lack necessary food, but superfluity; that "if the production of anthracite coal were stopped by a syndicate, no one but the syndicate would suffer"; and that if any one believes that some monopoly or trust charges too high (he instances sleeping car companies), the only remedy is to stop patronizing it. Our author even holds that the famous granger laws injured those who secured thus some legislative control of railroad abuses. Of course such a writer devotes the usual amount of space to showing how little each of our seventy millions of people would receive if the property of a few millionaires were equally divided, and, in face of some recent statistics and of the probabilities of the case, holds that capital is getting a decreasing share of the product, merely because of a decline in the ratio of interest. He thus disregards the increasing quantity of capital per laborer. No economist save one obscure writer-Osborne-is quoted. Yet it is interesting occasionally to see how strong a defense can be made by an advocate of our existing social condition. Undoubtedly

Our Industrial Utopia and its Unhappy Citizens. By David Hilton Wheeler. Pp. 341. Chicago: A. C. McClurg & Co. 1895. $1.25.

Government and Co., Limited. By Horatio W. Seymour. Pp. 148. The Same. 1895. 75 cents.

many of his observations, which are well presented, have much force, and should be considered even by those who reject his social philosophy. Mr. Seymour's book, which consists of bitter invective against our protective tariff, is unsupported by any citation of facts or authorities. There is altogether too much truth in the author's charges as to the corruption attending tariff legislation, but he hurts his case by his lack of judicial temper, and his seeming unconsciousness of the really strong arguments that have influenced so many honest and intelligent men to indorse protective tariff here, and of late in Continental Europe. While there is considerable agricultural depression in this country, outside the great corn belt of Illinois, Iowa, Southern Wisconsin and Minnesota, the fact that it is still greater in free trade England, as well as protectionist Germany and France, shows that monetary or other causes aside from the tariff are producing it. How ridiculous that any prominent and ordinarily sane man should write, "In the thirty years of protectionism the typical American farmer with whom we have been and are familiar, has been changed from a well-dressed, well-read, independent and spirited man to a scarecrow with vacant eyes and gaping mouth, with the inevitable confidence man near at hand "!

E. W. B.

SPRAGUE'S LAWS OF SOCIAL EVOLUTION. 1

FROM the standpoint of a clergyman who regards the Christian religion as the sanction of love, fraternity, peace, and the cessation of competitive struggles, even to the extent of welcoming the gradual development of socialistic ideals, there appears under the above title a criticism of Kidd's famous book. Kidd wants equality of opportunity, in order thereby to secure a finer rivalry and a quicker destruction of the weak. Such a policy is assumed to be contrary to the personal interest, called the "reason," of the average man, but a necessity for development, and requiring, therefore, a readiness to sacrifice personal interest for the general good. Such social conduct, favorable to a fierce struggle for survival is assumed to be stimulated by religion. Sprague denies these premises. He wants, not more rivalry and competition, but "peace on the condition of greater equality of results," and believes that the tendency of true social conduct, such as factory legislation, is not to increase the stress and severity of the competitive struggle, but to relieve it. The author does a good service in showing how different is Kidd's conception of religion from what it was assumed to be by many clergymen who at first thought that Kidd had forged new arguments for them.

Kidd may be right in fearing the deadening results of stopping all struggle; but we may all take courage in its tendency not so much to

1 The Laws of Social Evolution. By Rev. Franklin M. Sprague. Pp. 166. Boston: Lee & Shepard. 1895.

cease as to change, with growth of opportunities, general wealth and morality, from a struggle for the necessaries of life to a struggle for its comforts and luxuries, such as will give a larger, fuller, and truly richer life. As men rise to employments that in themselves develop the mind or increase artistic taste, a new motive, the love of one's work, may also largely and profitably displace the spur of necessity.

E. W. B.

CRAFT'S PRACTICAL CHRISTIAN SOCIOLOGY.1

THIS book, with its five hundred closely written pages, has many fruitful suggestions, and a remarkably large collection of illustrative facts and quotations from high authorities in all fields of social activity. The title, however, is not well chosen, for the book lacks the methodical arrangement and the systematized knowledge which have come to be expected of a book on Sociology.

The substance of the book was first given before the Princeton Theological Students under the broad heads of The Church, The Family and Education, Capital and Labor, and Citizenship, treating all from the standpoint of orthodox Christianity. The author presents much of sane criticism of existing social institutions, and suggestions for social amelioration from somewhat the same standpoint as that occupied by Professor Ely, who is frequently quoted. The full index makes the work useful for reference.

E. W. B.

MUHLEMAN'S MONETARY SYSTEMS OF THE WORLD. 2

THIS clear, compact summary of the history and present status of the the currency and banking systems, the gold and silver output, coinage, etc., of all the important countries of each continent, not omitting South America and Asia, by the Deputy Assistant Treasurer of the United States, seems thoroughly reliable and to the close student of monetary questions almost invaluable.

E. W. B.

1 Practical Christian Sociology. By Rev. Wilbur F. Crafts. Pp. 524. New York: Funk & Wagnalls. 1895.

2 Monetary Systems of the World. By M. L. Muhleman. Third edition. Pp. 198. New York: Chas. H. Nicoll. 1895.

ARTICLE X.

NOTICES OF RECENT PUBLICATIONS.

PURITANISM IN THE OLD WORLD AND IN THE NEW. From its Inception in the Reign of Elizabeth to the Establishment of the Puritan Theocracy in New England. A Historical Handbook. By J. GREGORY, Edinburgh. Pp. 404. London: James Clark & Co. 1895.

The scope of this new book on Puritanism is well indicated by the title.

Mr. Gregory regards Puritanism as "preeminently a moral and religious force," negatively setting itself in opposition to "corruptions alike in Church and State"; positively seeking to "promote the ends and righteousness of the Kingdom of God." Whilst recognizing the fact that it became "identified with certain sharply defined doctrines and peculiar practices" as well as, for a time, with the dress and manners that distinguished the Roundhead from the Cavalier, he maintains that both were "separable accidents rather than part of its real contents and substance."

Puritanism, as to its essential genius, he says, is not merely three hundred years old, but older than Christianity itself. "Samuel was a Puritan, so was Ezra, so was Nehemiah, so was John the Baptist. It was the zeal of Puritanism that moved the Divine Son to expel the traffickers from the Temple. . . . . It was the spirit of Puritanism that flamed up in the breast of Ambrose when he required the Emperor Theodosius, before entering the church at Milan, to make reparation for the slaughter of the citizens of Thessalonica." Savonarola too was a Puritan.

....

There is doubtless truth in this contention. The author might even have gone further-indeed implicitly he does so-and identified Puritanism with "the spirit of Christianity," to the history of which Dr. Matheson of Edinburgh devoted his well-known work. Thus viewed, it might form the subject of a new chapter-a very attractive chapter too—of that very interesting work. Certain historical references to the Puritans may be adduced, too, such as the one quoted by him from Archbishop Whitgift (p. 2), which lend some sanction to this view of them. At the same time a line of treatment like this runs the risk of magnifying their differences from the Established Church on the one hand, and lessening those between them and the Independents on the other. In my judgment, Mr. Gregory has not altogether escaped this danger.

But it is time to indicate in a general way the contents of the work. It is divided into two great sections, headed respectively, "Puritanism in

the "Old World" and "Puritanism in the New World"; the former again is subdivided into ten, the latter into seven chapters. After an Introduction the following subjects are discussed: The Creative Causes of Puritanism; The Church of England; The Rise of Puritanism in England; The Chasm Widening: Rise of Presbyterianism in England; Puritanism: further Developments and Means used for their Repression; The Conflict between Puritanism and the Church; Rise of Independency; The Corrupt State of the Church; The Martin Marprelate Controversy; The Puritan Martyrs; Holland and the Exiled Independents.

The seven chapters of the second section are as follows: Founding of New Plymouth; The Founding of Massachusetts; Roger Williams: the Beginning of Religious Controversy in New England; Growth and Development of New England; Religious and Social Aspects of New England; The Growth of Intolerance in New England; Toleration and Religious Liberty; General Conclusion.

Special points-such as, Schism; Who was Martin Marprelate? "Pilgrim Fathers neither Puritans nor Persecutors"; Calvinism and Puritanism not identical; and others-are discussed in separate notes.

On the relation of the Separatists to the Puritans, Mr. Gregory says, The former "were the vanguard of the Puritan host, that is to say, they carried their zeal for reform and purity of doctrine and worship to its im plied and, as they believed, necessary consequences." So far as I understand the matter, the cardinal difference lay rather in this, that the Separatists regarded it as a duty to endeavor to realize the true idea of a Christian church, i. e. purity of fellowship; whilst the Puritans, though theoretically holding by the principle that a church should be constituted by believers, distinctly repudiated endeavors to put it in practice. They wanted to purify the Church of England as regards its ministry, some of its doctrines, some of its ceremonies, and in a measure its government; but they were as strongly opposed to the principle of attempting to discriminate between believers and unbelievers, which constituted Separatism, as either the English or any Continental State Church. Mr. Gregory, I venture to think, has scarcely done full justice to this point.

The author does not profess to have drawn largely on original sources for his information; but he has made good use of the best and most re cent authorities, American no less than British. His views of the relations and causes of events, of the character and aims of the actors, and of other things which go to make up history, are marked by independence, -sometimes perhaps a little jealous,-breadth, and, in the main, insight. Mr. Gregory's position, that Calvinism and Puritanism are not indissolubly bound together, is also correct, i. e. in the abstract. As a matter of historical fact, however, all or nearly all Puritans did hold the type of Christian doctrine termed Calvinism. And so closely allied did the two things seem to their antagonists that for that very reason they gradually exchanged their own original Calvinism for a modified Arminianism, or