opinions which he promulgated, at a later period, in giving a fundamental code to the Bolivians. The doctrine which pervades the whole piece, the position which meets the eye in every page, and which all its arguments and illustrations aim to establish, is the dangerous nature of liberty. It cannot be said, that Bolivar has attempted to deceive his countrymen by holding up the idea that he is purely republican in his principles. The anti-republican tenets, which he professes in this address, are not merely confined to the particular case of the incompetency of the people of Venezuela to enjoy the blessings of liberty in their full extent. If they were limited in that manner, we might in part admit their justness, although not to the extent for which he contends. But he frankly declares his belief, that, as a general proposition in political science, an aristocracy is preferable to a free republic, and an absolute sovereignty to either. It is not Washington, whose example he cites for the imitation of South America; but men who, in the same situation with the Father of his Country, availed themselves of circumstances to oppress the liberties of their fellowcitizens. Lest our readers should suppose, that we misrepresent the spirit of this singular piece, we take leave to extract a few of its characteristic passages.

After painting, in vivid colors, the tyranny of the Spanish government in relation to the colonies; the consequent debasement of the people, and their total ignorance, as he expresses it, of every principle of political and civil economy; he infers their incapacity for a purely republican government, and particularly for a constitution modelled after that of the United States. Even in this introductory part of the address, where they are less called for, he throws out continually general reflections inimical to freedom, such as that 'It is more difficult to maintain the equilibrium of liberty, than to sustain the weight of tyranny; that The people, more frequently than the government bring on tyranny;' that Liberty is a succulent food, but difficult of digestion.' Reasoning of this nature paves the way for stating what he conceives to be indispensable to the welfare of a free people, and that is, an hereditary legislature and a powerful executive. The legislature, to be sure, shall be called senators, not peers; and the executive shall be called a president, not king or emperor; but in other respects it is impossible to see what should entitle his proposed government to be denominated a republic. His exemplar is

the constitution of Great Britain; of which he says; 'A greater degree of liberty cannot be enjoyed in any kind of republic, and it may indeed claim a higher rank in social order. I recommend that constitution as the best model to those who aspire to the enjoyment of the rights of man.' In the course of other general remarks, he says; Athens enjoyed the most splendid lot under an absolute sovereignty; free elections of magistrates frequently renewed,-mild, wise, and politic laws. Pisistratus, an usurper and a despot, did more good to Athens than her laws; and Pericles, although an usurper likewise, was the most useful citizen. The republic of Thebes existed only during the lives of Pelopidas and Epaminondas; for it is men, and not principles, that form governments.' Not only does he labor with great industry to show the utility of a legislative power similar to that of the British Parliament,' but he says, However exorbitant the authority of the executive power in Great Britain may appear, it would not perhaps be too great in the republic of Venezuela.' Nay he insists upon bestowing far greater authority upon the chief magistrate of the republic, than that possessed by a constitutional prince. In short, the whole scope of the address is to maintain the utter incompetency of the human race to subsist under a pure representative government, advancing, in so many words, the opinion, that Angels, and not men, can alone exist free, peaceable, and happy, in the exercise of sovereign power;'-a strange maxim, surely, for a professed friend of republican institutions.

We enter into this topic thus fully, not by way of seeking occasion to censure Bolivar for entertaining opinions, which he thus openly expressed, under circumstances that persuade us to believe he was honest and sincere in his principles, however much mistaken; but in order to show what those principles have been from the beginning; and how small occasion there is to feel surprise at his professing or acting upon them at the present time. It is impossible, however, to pass them by without lamenting the melancholy picture they present of the prospects of liberty in South America, when an individual, whose influence is so paramount as Bolivar's, is found to be thus warmly attached to monarchical institutions. For the rest, we take occasion to say, that, viewed as a political disquisition upon the question which it discusses, the address does no great credit to his talent as a writer, or his wisdom as a politician. Most of the well educated young men, who are bred to liberal

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professions in the United States, could easily compose a better argument on the same side of the question, and still more easily produce a triumphant refutation of it. And it occurs to us as somewhat singular, that so little notice has been taken of this piece by the republicans of South America, in their speculations concerning Bolivar's ideas of government.

Dismissing this subject, we return to the progress of the war, as prosecuted in the eventful year of 1819. The Venezuelan forces were, at the opening of the campaign, concentrated on the banks of the Apure. It was the design of Morillo, if possible, to cut his way to Angostura, and deprive the patriots of the centre of their resources. To this end, having united his forces with those of La Torre, Morales, and Calzada, he crossed the Apure in January, with an army too powerful to be resisted in the field. It was successfully met, however, in another way, by general Paez and his brave llaneros, who destroyed Morillo's foraging parties, deprived him of all means of subsistence, and compelled him, by a desultory system of warfare, to abandon his object, and retreat with immense loss to San Carlos. From May until August, the vast plains of the Apure and Casanare are rendered almost impassable by inundations. Knowing that Morillo would not dream of his penetrating through these plains into New Granada, and believing that Paez on the Apure, and generals Mariño, Arismendi, and Bermudez on the coast, would afford ample occupation for the Spaniards in Venezuela, Bolivar, with characteristic boldness, determined to effect a junction with Santander, who was in arms in Casanare, and laying the foundation of that brilliant reputation which he now enjoys. Bolivar encountered incredible difficulties in this march, first in crossing the inundated plains, and afterwards in climbing the mountains; but ere the close of June he had surmounted every obstacle and established his head quarters at Paya. He found everything in New Granada propitious for his enterprise. The talents and intrepidity of Santander had already effected wonders. A multitude of guerilla parties in the interior impatiently awaited Bolivar's approach. Meanwhile the viceroy Samano, hastily collected all the forces at his disposal, and appointed Don José Maria Barreyro, an officer of tried courage and ability, commander in chief. The armies met at Gamarra on the eleventh of July, and at Bargas near Tunja on the twentyfifth, and each time Bolivar obtained the advantage. After

this, numerous recruits flocked to his standard; and learning that Samano was on the march to support Barreyro, he threw himself between them, and, on the seventh of August, by this daring and masterly movement, compelled Barreyro to give battle at the bridge of Bojaca, the scene of one of Bolivar's most splendid victories. All the Spanish troops that survived the battle were made prisoners, with the commanding general; and the deliverance of Santa Fe and all New Granada was the immediate consequence of the glorious day. Bolivar appointed general Santander vice-president of New Granada, in reward of his meritorious services, while generals Anzuategui, Soublette, and others, pursued the scattered remnants of the royalists yet remaining in some of the provinces. Morillo despatched general La Torre into New Granada, by the way of Merida, upon receiving intelligence of Bolivar's march; but ere La Torre could reach Cúcuta, the decisive battle was fought, and New Granada once more was free.

Bolivar's entry into Angostura, after this campaign, was among the most triumphant scenes of his life. He wisely employed the authority and influence he possessed in procuring the union of Venezuela and New Granada, and the formation of the republic of Colombia. The decree to this effect, entitled the fundamental law of the republic of Colombia, was passed December 17, 1819, by the Congress of Venezuela, to which the people of New Granada voluntarily submitted. At the same time it conferred upon Bolivar the title of Liberator of Colombia, by which he is now universally known, and decided, that a general constituent Congress should assemble at Rosario de Cúcuta, in January, 1821, to frame a constitution for the new republic.

In consequence of the successful operations of the last year, Bolivar was enabled to take the field in 1820, with the most powerful army which the patriots had ever mustered; and hopes began to be entertained, that the conclusion of a peace might be facilitated by the Spanish revolution of Isla de Leon. Negotiations having a view to this end were in fact commenced, and proceeded so far as to occasion a mutual relaxation of effort, and the conclusion of an armistice of six months, dating from November, 1820. On occasion of this armistice, Morillo and Bolivar had a friendly meeting at Truxillo. Each testified the highest respect for the character of the other, spending the day in common festivity; and, as VOL. XXX. No. 66.

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evincing the confidence they reciprocally reposed in each other's honor, it is stated that they passed the night in the same room. Nothing effectual grew out of these circumstances. Morillo departed for Europe in 1821, leaving the command of the army to general La Torre, an officer fully competent to the task. At the termination of the period fixed for the armistice, Bolivar again took the field with a powerful army, and a determination to pursue measures to bring on a decisive engagement. He divided his army into three corps, under generals Paez, Cedeño, and Anzuategui. These divisions advanced by separate routes to the plains of Tinaquillo, and prepared to attack the Spaniards, who occupied a strong position at Carabobo. The heights, commanding the only pass by which their position could be approached, were crowned with artillery, and in their advance, the patriot army had to penetrate through a narrow, precipitous defile in the mountains. The leading division, commanded by Paez, without waiting for the other division to come up, advanced impetuously, defiled before the enemy, rushed to the assault, carried the intrenchments, and achieved a complete victory, June 24, 1821. The independence of Venezuela was the happy consequence of the battle of Carabobo. Bolivar immediately entered Caracas and La Guayra in triumph; and although Puerto Cabello, and a few other fortresses on the coast, held out awhile, the Spaniards never again made head against the patriots in Venezuela.

During the progress of these advantages in the field, the general Congress had assembled at Cúcuta, and agreed upon a form of constitution, that was proclaimed, August 30, 1821, as the fundamental law of Colombia. When it went into operation, Bolivar was elected President, and Santander, who, in the government of New Granada, had acquired great credit for his civil capacity, was elected Vice-President. In October the seat of government was transferred to Bogotá, as being central in its position, and uniting other advantages of climate, resources, and social comforts, with convenient buildings for the use of the government and of the public functionaries. These arrangements being completed, Bolivar devolved the duties of the executive upon general Santander, in order to devote himself to the prosecution of the war in the presidency of Quito, where the Spaniards had concentrated their forces subsequently to the fatal rout of Bojaca. Having collected the requisite forces, the Liberator marched to the