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public ferment.

The people everywhere expressed extreme solicitude for his return. No conceivable cause existed for his remaining in Peru, of a public nature, except the advancement of his own personal power, which began to be openly charged upon him as the inducement of his delay. In fine, the friends of the constitution did not stop short of suspecting him of acting in collusion with Paez, and throwing the public affairs into confusion, that he might be called to restore them, and have the opportunity of doing it in his own way.

Too many facts existed, which gave color to the suspicion. It does not appear, that, in the first instance, he instigated the insurrection; but it does appear, that, in an early stage of it, he had an understanding of some kind with Paez, and his own acts directly served to augment the public disorder. The coincidence of dates, in regard to events in Peru and Colombia, is singular at least, if it have no meaning. In April, Bolivar procures the dissolution of the Peruvian Congress, and the continuance of his dictatorship; and in the same April Paez raises the standard of revolt in Valencia. In May Bolivar publishes the Bolivian Code as his political creed; and in the same May Venezuela demands a reform of the constitution of Colombia. Confidential communications were interchanged, at this period, between Bolivar and Paez; and each, in recorded public acts or writings, signified his perfect reliance in the good faith of the other, in his patriotism, and in the rectitude of his intentions. It was not possible, however, for the constitutional party in Colombia to understand exactly Bolivar's policy, because the public developement of his ambitious projects in Peru, and the insurrection of Paez, took place contemporaneously. Of necessity, some time must elapse before the provisions of the Bolivian Code could become generally known in Colombia. And the arrangements for permanently fixing his authority in Peru seem to have been purposely so timed, or at least events happened so to turn out, that he should arrive in Bogotá, and obtain the control of the government, before the people of Colombia could gain any idea of the nature of his operations in Peru, or their final result. Rumors of his probable intention could not fail soon to reach Colombia, and undoubtedly individuals might possess authentic information on the subject; but months must elapse before facts of a decisive character would obtain general circulation in a credible shape. Still many of the political agitators did not disguise their be

lief, that Bolivar would, nay, that in order to tranquillize the nation he must, assume dictatorial powers in Colombia. A practice, curious in itself, and which, to the inhabitants of countries accustomed to the functions of self-government, and to men understanding the nature of written constitutions, must of course appear passing strange, has very generally obtained in South America. Early in the revolution, the untaught politicians of the new republics, and every meagre province called itself a republic, made a parade of elaborate constitutions, often wholly unfit for their situation and essentially impracticable. When danger came, their legislative bodies suspended, not a mere habeas corpus act, as Americans or Englishmen might perhaps do, but the fundamental articles of a whole constitution. They began, it is true, by suspending only some few articles, so as to enlarge the authority of the executive; but when the inviolability that belongs to the constitution was once broken in this manner, it was no easy matter to fix limits to the practice. Cundinamarca set the example of this proceeding in Colombia, so early as 1811, in the case of Nariño, and the lesser states were not slow in adopting so convenient a plan. The next step was, whenever a season of peculiar peril arrived, to suspend a whole constitution in the mass, and elect a dictator in name and in power, to administer the government, in imitation of ancient Rome. In 1812, Pamplona, Popayan, and Cundinamarca, were each governed by a dictator. Other examples abound in South American history. Nay, to such a pitch did the abuse extend in New Granada, that the general Congress was obliged to interfere, in 1814, and prohibit the practice of nominating dictators on every occasion, as opening a door to tyranny and usurpation. But the expedient was adopted so generally, that men became familiarized with the name and the substance of a dictatorship; and constitutions lost that august and venerable character, which they ought to have, to ensure their being religiously observed. Hence, although the constitution of Colombia had now subsisted in full vigor upwards of four years, still the idea of suspending it would not be abhorrent to the habits of thinking in Colombia. Men, who would shrink from the suggestion of submitting to a king, would not be startled at all by the idea of a dictator, exercising for the time being all the arbitrary powers of an oriental despot. We deem these explanations necessary, to show why many began to look to a dictatorship for

relief, and why the ardent friends of the constitution did not instantly take arms against it when openly proposed.

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Bolivar himself began to sound the people of Colombia on the subject, as the crisis and consummation of his plans approached. He addressed a letter to Dr Cristóbal Mendoza, intendant of Venezuela, as the organ of communicating his ideas to his countrymen, wherein he says; I propose the Bolivian Code, which, with some slight alterations, appears to me suitable to the circumstances of Colombia.' And again; I myself am the rallying point of all who love the national glory and the rights of the people.' To a communication of the city of Guayaquil, transmitting the municipal act before mentioned, Bolivar's secretary officially replied, under date of August 1, 1826, that the Liberator had given his confession of political faith' in the constitution presented to Bolivia, and at the same time signified his entire confidence in the political integrity of Paez. These intimations were the prelude to more decided acts. A pamphlet was prepared and published at Lima by Leocadio Guzman, setting forth the praises of the Bolivian Code in the most exalted and extravagant terms, stating and elaborately defending its various provisions. In August, 1826, but a few weeks before Bolivar set out for Bogotá, this very Leocadio Guzman was despatched on a mission along the departments of Colombia bordering on the Pacific, with credentials addressed to the several prefects, requiring each of them to assemble the municipality of his capital, and procure acts declaratory of their wish for the introduction of the Bolivian Code, and appointing Bolivar dictator. He proceeded openly in the execution of his commission, and by persuasion, intimidation, and the influence of Bolivar's name over the military, he procured the adoption of these unconstitutional acts successively in the departments of Guayaquil, Asuay, the Equator, and the Isthmus. These acts were passed at the absolute dictation of Guzman and the officers in command in these places; and in 1827, when the cause of the constitution gained a temporary ascendency, the magistrates made official representations to the general government of the shameful intrigues and violence attending their adoption.

Bolivar landed at Guayaquil but a fortnight after his emissary Guzman, with a small retinue, and proceeded without delay to Bogotá, where he arrived November 13, 1826. His conduct in the capital was too ambiguous, either to allay entirely, VOL. XXX.-No. 66.


or absolutely to confirm the sinister forebodings of the constitutionalists. He encouraged their hopes by some acts, while he augmented their fears by others. Having assumed the extraordinary powers, which the constitution conferred on the executive in cases of civil commotion, and in virtue of those powers introduced sundry radical changes in the administration for alleged purposes of economy, he hastened onward to Venezuela, where all parties loudly demanded his presence. Previous to this, a person had arrived at Caracas, in November, professing to be a commissioner from the Liberator, at whose instigation, it would seem, the citizens held a public meeting, and on the supposition, that the constitution and the social compact of Colombia existed no longer, resolved that Venezuela should become an independent state as before the union. Bolivar issued a proclamation in Maracaybo, on the nineteenth of December, declaring the departments of Sulia, Orinoco, Venezuela, and Maturin, under his immediate authority. He was received everywhere with entire submission. Paez himself was the most forward to load the Liberator with extravagant marks of personal devotion, and received, for his reward, a continuance in his authority as supreme chief of Venezuela. With Bolivar's decree of amnesty, issued January 1, 1827, the insurrection was really at an end, whatever subsequent acts may have been requisite to complete the work of pacification. The meeting of Paez and Bolivar was that of attached friends, indissolubly united by the bond of reciprocal good services performed or expected, and afforded a melancholy presage of the union of political purpose, which has proved fatal to the constitution of Colombia.

Bolivar continued in Venezuela, chiefly at Caracas, for the space of five months, surrounded by the most ardent members of the reform party, who became his bosom friends and advisers. These persons devoted themselves unremittingly to the task of denouncing the constitutional party, the men, and the departments, that remained faithful to the laws, and especially Santander, as the leading supporter of the constitution. They urged the necessity of adopting the Bolivian Code, of uniting Colombia, Peru, and Bolivia, and of committing all the powers of government to Bolivar as president for life, with a pertinacity of zeal, which, exerted as it was under the very eye of the Liberator, filled the friends of liberty with consternation and sorrow. Bolivar himself, in a communication

to the president of the senate, dated February 6, 1827, renounced the presidency of the republic, in language of the same tenor as that which he had used in Peru. His communication was discussed in the Congress with great warmth; and twenty-four members of that body, breathing a spirit worthy of Roman senators, manfully voted to accept the renunciation, reprobating, in terms worthy of the occasion, the unmeasured ambition of the Liberator. Meanwhile he continued in Caracas, retaining in exercise the extraordinary powers which he had assumed, although, by the terms of the constitution, they ceased at the meeting of the Congress, and although the Congress had passed a decree for the restoration of constitutional order throughout the republic.

Such was the condition of affairs, when intelligence of the extraordinary revolution in Peru, of January 26, 1827, reached Colombia. It appeared that the Bolivian Code was quite as odious to the Colombian army, on whom Bolivar had relied to maintain his power in Peru, as it was to the Peruvians themselves. The army had testified no reluctance in standing by Bolivar thus far, in fixing his authority in a foreign country; but they were alarmed by the proceedings at Guayaquil and Quito, which threatened the liberties of their own country; and seeing that Bolivar countenanced, if he did not instigate, the acts in question, they gradually wrought themselves up to such a height of resentment against the Liberator, that they determined to return to Colombia and forcibly resist his designs. Colonel Bustamante, a young Colombian of merit and talent, placed himself at their head, arrested Generals Lara and Sands, and others of their officers, whom they considered subservient to Bolivar, and invited the Peruvians to organize a government for themselves. The latter cheerfully embraced the offer, abolished the Bolivian Code, which they declared to have been forced upon them by the Liberator, and established a temporary government under General Santa Cruz himself, which gave place at length to regular constitutional authorities, with Don José La Mar as president. Meantime Bustamante and the army embarked at Callao, March 13, 1826, and landed in the southern department of Colombia, full of the most hostile feelings towards Bolivar, and supposing they should find the government totally disorganized by his machinations. They were agreeably surprised to discover, that the constitutional Congress and executive were still obeyed, and on obtaining

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