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for a slave whenever our government enters into hostilities with any other nation. We then, with an apathy utterly incompatible with our present sensibility, can fee our helpless countrymen dragged in a most brutal manner from their peaceful habitations and famiJies, by gangs of armed ruffians, and devoted to the most imminent perils of life both by fire and by water, as long as despotic power pleases. Under this species of Navery, resistance or efcape is punished with various degrees of severity, even to positive death! All this harsh treatment of our free-born countrymen we can coolly overlook, 'while every passion is rouzed, and all obstacles are borne down, for an experimental extension of benevolence to men of another species. This conduct has too much resemblance to that of a neighbouring prince, who officiously busied himself in procuring for strangers, three thousand miles distant, what he withheld from his own subjects! He now is tasting the natural fruits of such he. roism.
We are as warm wilhers for an abolition of the flave-trade, as Lord Muncaster can possibly be; or, to express ourselves with more precision, as ardently desire that we could safely quit all concern in it: for the powers of Europe combined are only able to stop the western markets, and leave the Africans to their own usages else. where : but, were this done, the work is but half accomplished ; and we are driven into a disguftful dilemma; for, after renouncing this unnatural trade with such strong expressions of abhorrence, what is to be the fate of those poor negroes thus procured, and in our poffeffion? The society for the abolition of the slave-trade, who protest against gradual measures, have publicly advertised that their views have been industriously MISREPRESENTED, by a report that the emancipation of the negroes in the British colonies is the object of their exertions.' Can we then, after execrating, with so much vehemence, the practice of enslaving the Africans, can we unbluthingly still continue to assert a property in the many thousands that we have among us ? can we still exact their labour, and fill transfer them as our proper chattels ? Is not this contrast of words and actions a mott iniulting mockery of the sufferings which we have so patheticaliy deplored? Did this society and their well-wishers fincerely consider the negroes as on an equality with themselves as rational men, (and they have all along pleaded their cause as the cause of their fellow-creatures,) would they venture to tantalize them thus ? Are they prepared for all consequences that may ensue from inconsistency; or are they altogether regardless of the evils that may fall on others, by their eager activity in orging a partial good i--May all things be over-ruled for the best!
N. Art. 27. Remarks on the late Decison of the House of Commons reSpelling the Abolition of the Slave-trade. By Thomas Gisborne, M. A. 8vo.
pp. 49. IS. This is a well written and close examination of the arguments urged in the debate on the flave-trade, which terminated in the resolution for its gradual abolition; and the ingenious author presses home the inconfiltency of condemoing a trade as iniquitous, and allowing any farther duration of such iniquity, however limited. N.
Art. 28. A Letter to the Members of Parliament who have presented
Petitions to the Honourable House of Commons for the Abolition of the
The West India merchant is, as may be supposed, an opponent to Lord Muncaster : but as the champions confine their attention to different parts of the subject of slavery, their arguments do not come in direct conflict. Lord Muncaster dwells principally on the cruel injustice of buying men for slaves, and on the base methods by which they are currently supposed to be procured for sale, but wholly overlooks the thousands already thus procured and in flavery, who are resigned to what is understood to be a miserable fate. The West India merchant, on the contrary, meddles not with the trade for slaves, but dwells on the political circumstances of the islands, and inquires how the planters and this country would be affected by its abolition. Moreover, not having read, as we suppose, the advertisement of the Abolition Society, in which they positively disclaim all views of emancipating the negroes in our porteflion, he advises Mr. Wilberforce, with his associates, to prepare the minds of the negroes for the proper enjoyment of liberty, before it is conferred on them ; from fear of rouzing their paflions to acts of barbarism and confufion. He enforces this advice, by hewing that the advances of liberty in Europe were gradual, keeping pace with the improvement of the mind. It is dangerous to tear away at once the bandage from eyes that have remained long in darkness, and at once to expose them to the full blaze of the meridian sun. In order to the perfect emancipation of flaves, it is neceffary, in the first place, that they be made capable of being good members of civil society. The full tide of freedom let in upon them all of a sudden, would only intoxicate their brain, and lead them into a course of vicious excers, that must involve misery and ruin, both to themselves and others connected with them in society.'
They have heard enough at St. Domingo to answer this melan. choly purpose; whether the above mentioned advertisement, signed Granville Sharp, will correct what may have been agitated among the negroes in the British islands, when they will find themselves cheated with a vain shew of liberty, which yet they may not cafte, is one of the experiments of which we are now to abide the event. N.
A Defence of ike Planters in the West Indies ; comprized in Four Arguments : I. On Comparative Humanity; II. On Comparative Slavery; III. On the African Slave-trade; and IV. On the Condition of Negroes in the West Indies. By Jesse Foot, Surgeon. 8vo. pp. 101.
Debrett. 1792. The West India planters have found a judicious and able advocate in Mr. Foot, whose reasoning merits the attention of every one who interests himself in the subject : thore, indeed, who read nothing but what strengthens their prepoffeffions, are out of the question. Under the first of his general heads, Comparative Humanity, Mr. Foot thinks, and with some reason, that there are occasions enough for the exertions of humanity at home among ourselves, many of which he points out, before we carry it abroad. He distinguishes humanity Rev. JUNE 1792.
under the dictates of good sense, from enthusiasm ; and he even thinks that the benevolent Mr. Howard would have been more usefully employed in studying how to keep people out of prisons, than how to accommodate them when they are in confinement. The observation may have truth in it, without disparaging Mr. Howard's la. bours. In the diversity of objects before us, Tome betake themselves to one department and lome to another; and Mr. Foot ought to reflect that innocence has often the hard lot to be thrust into a prison. He points out, with much force and truth, a restraint on the consumption of spirituous liquors, did not the mistaken policy of statesmen intervene, as the first step for reforming the morals of the poor, to the prevention of crimes, and of course to supersede the dire remedy of punishment for them when committed. If we had more humanity than is urgently required at home, Mr. Foot would freely beltow the surplus of it on any objects abroad that beft claimed it: but he adds that we ought to commence our duty as citizens of the world with clean bands, after having discharged our obligations to our own country.
Under his second head, Comparative Slavery, Mr. Foot finds worse flavery and more distress, in some ranks and situations in Europe, than are to be found in a West India plantation ; and in examining the various circumstances of soldiers, failors, peasants, and colliers, with other miners, he appears to efablish his position.
In considering his third and fourth heads, the African Slave-trade, and the Condition of Negroes in the Wes Indies, Mr. Foot rests on the evidence produced before the House of Commons. He is a fevere critic on Mr. Wilberforce's speech on these points, charging him with making use of such parts only of the evidence as suited his purpole, and with rejecting the reit, though of the most respectable and consistent nature. From this rejected testimony, Mr. Foot produces fuch representations as have been repeatedly quoted by others on the same side of the question, and confirms them by his own experience; he having been himself, during three years, in the West Indies, where he had the medical care of two thousand negroes; and he declares that, during his practice, he never was called to give relief to any negroe suffering from chaltisement. At the close of his pamphlet, Mr. Foot offers good hints for encouraging the population of negroes in our islands; which, if some serious religious astencion were bestowed on their minds, as well as on the miods of their masters, might overturn the current opinion that the present number of negroes on the West India islands cannot be supported by their own population.
As a subject of this magnitude calls for the most mature judgment, we are happy in the reflection that it is yet under the investigation of a superior tribunal.
N. An Apology for Slavery; or Six Cogent Arguments against the immediate Abolition of the Slave-trade. 8vo. Pp. 47.
15. Johnson. 1792. We now conceive some faint hopes of being relieved from fartber animadversions on the slave-crade, since, from grave reasoning, we descend to burlesque: but should this ironical apology even be
allowed to poffefs some archness, it will not therefore follow that the parties who are held up to ridicule, are just objects of derifionn. Art. 31. Slave-trade: A full Account of this species of Com
merce, with Arguments against it. By the celebrated Philosopher and Hiftorian, Abbé Raynal. Translated from the French. 12mo 6d. Symonds.
The writings of the Abbé Raynal are well known : whatever objections may be advanced against them, it will be allowed that the cause of humanity and liberty receives great support from his pen. Averse from flavery, he first, according to the collection here made, recites briefly. its history, and proceeds to propose some measures by which the condition of the unhappy beings in that ftate might be somewhat meliorated; after which, he reprobates, entirely, the • whole commerce; and, with great ardour, proves it to be utterly repugnant to humanity, reason, and justice. It is unnecessary for us to give any extracts from his pleadings, yet we shall insert a sentence or two from his address to those whom te calls fovereigns of the earth. If you do not sport with the rest of mortals, if you do not regard the power of kings as the right of a successful plunder, and the obedience of subjects as artfully obtained from their ignorance, reflect on your own obligations. Refuse the sanction of
authority to the infamous and criminal traffic of men turned into so many herds of cattle; and this trade will cease. For once unite, for the happiness of the world, those powers and designs which have been so often exerted for its rain!'
Hi...s. Art. 32. An Inquiry into the Causes of the Insurrection of the Negroes
in Sr. Domingo. To which are added, Observations of M. GarranCoulon, on the fame Subject, read (in his absence) by M.Guadet, before the National Adembly. 8vo. 6d. Johnson. 1792.
This pamphlet is directed to estab.ith a proposition, which, amid all the clamours of the arbitrary, the political, and the interested, temperate and judicious persons have been greatly inclined to enterrain, viz.-ibat the late confusions and miseries in the above island were not in the least occasioned by the measures that have been so honourably and strenuously pursued for the abolition of the slave-trade.--. One thing only (says this writer) is wanting to charge with this criminality the Amis des Noirs, and this the remonfrance does not supply--the proof that they bave adopted that course of conduct imputed to them by obe Colonifts. This defect cannot be compeolated, either by the atrocity of the crime, or the virulence and audacity of the accolation.'-le pretty clearly appears that the hauteur and insolence of the Whites, particularly toward the people of colour, has been a principal caule, concurring probably with some others, of these dreadful calamities. Thele desolations are only a farther illustration of the Abté Raynal's predictions, when, in the close of his address to the nations, he appeals to their intereit, and adds— Your flaves stand in no need either of your generosity or your counsels, in order to break the sacrilegious yoke of their oppreffion. Nature speaks a more powerful language than philofophy, or intereft.'
Mr. Edward Moore, Midshipman of his Majesty's Ship London,
Mr. Leonard, a midshipman on board the Saturn, in Portsmouth harbour, on some disagreement between him and his lieutenant, was ordered by the lieutenant to be hoisted (or criced) up to the top-malt head. A number of midshipmen on board the Edgar and London, among whom was Mr. Moore, considered this treatment as a common cause that affected them all; and this idea made them, as well as the sufferer, with it might be brought to a trial, whether a lieutenant was justified in punishing and degrading a midshipman by such a discretionary exertion of power. Some circular letters were written on this occasion, as well to encourage Mr. Leonard in prosecuting for redress, as to procure him friendly aslistance; and Mr. Moore was tried as a principal agent in writing and circulating such anonymous letters, as contrary to the good order and discipline of the feet; though there is nothing offensive either in the style or matrer of them, excepting by inference. The facts were not positively brought home to him, and respectable testimony appeared to his profesional character: but the court, nevertheless, deemed it incumbent to subject him to a month's imprisonment, and to give him a severe reprimand.
The peculiar situation of seamen, who are cooped up by the hundred within narrow wooden hurches, requires the strictelt discipline to effect the service that calls them together. Where the lines of subordination are not accurately defined, much latitude is afforded to the wanton exercise of power; and such is human nature, the best specimens of which are not generally to be seen on thipboard, that it is not always safe to question the extent of official authority. Hazard is also incurred by leaving it to operate without some restraint; for, as Mr. Moore well observes in his able defence, if a midshipman, from which class all future commanders are to rise, be fub. ject to disgraces that expose him to the derision of the whole ship's crew, ' that spirit and activity, which is so essencial to a military character, becomes so far depressed, as never again to recover ftrength fufficient to discharge the duties of his station, or to enforce that obedience and respect due from a ship's company.' N. Art. 34. Thoughts on the Propriety of fixing F.after Term. 8vo.
Cadell. 1792. A report prevailed, in the beginning of this year, that a bill was to be brought into parliament to change the prefent fluctuating ftate of Easter term, and to fix it to some precise period, independently of all confideration of Easer-day. This, it was thought, would be a considerable convenience to the members of the profession, to whom a long vacation in autumn would be more acceptable than a divided vacation, part in spring and part in autumn. The author of this essay reifts the propoted regulation as a dangerous innovation on