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have not only characters well described, but those characters are active throughout. The fituations and conduct of the parties are diversified : but we have to add, which indeed is a fault common to the generality of these compositions, that they are, in many reSpects, improbable, and unnatural.
N. Art. 38. Eugenia and Adelaide. 12mo. 2 Vols. 5s. sewed. Dilly. 1791.
The trifing distinctions observable in these compositions of love and the vicillitudes of its success, often prevent us from discriminating the merits of one from another; so that they might be hundled up by the dozen, under a general description. All that the present inftance demands, is an acknowlegement that it is not one of the worst.
19. Murray. 1792.
4 Common air,
Thewing the Propriety of arranging them by their Effets on the
After employing a number of pages in various and desultory reflections,- some of which, however, are judicious, and forcibly expressed,- this disciple of nature ends (Oh molt lame and impotept
A a 3
conclusion !) by recommending, as a secret, an infallible medicine in diseases of debility, Dr. Smith's tonic remedy; though he must know that Dr. Smith's remedies were varied according to the varieties of the disorders in which he was consolied; and that his practice and prescriptions were open to any one who chose to examine them. How the writer can reconcile this kind of impofitioa to his conscience, we know not; unless he resorts to the excuse which was pleaded by the apothecary who fold poison to Romeo.
O. SCHOOL-BOOKS. Art.
41. A System of French Accidence and Syntax, intended as an Illustration, Correction, and Improvement of the Principles laid down by Chambaud on those Subjects, in his Grammar. By the Rev Mr. Holder of Barbadoes. Third Edition ; with Notes by G. Satis. 8vo.
PP. 420. 45. bound. Dilly. 1791. Art. 42. Clasical Exercises upon the Rules laid down in Holder's Cham. baud's French Grammar. By G. Saris. 8vo. Pp. 104.
15. 6d, bound. Dilly. 1792. Art. 43. Clasical Exercises upon the Rules of tbe French Syntax, with
References to Holder's Chambaud's Grammar. By G. Satis. 8vo. pp. 200.
25. 6d. bound. Dilly. 1792. Art. 44. The Guide to Satis's Classical Exercises on the Rules of Freneb
Syntax. By G. Satis. 8vo. pp. 122. Is. 60. bound. Dilly. 1792.
These four books fall properly under one article: we have there. fore classed them together. The first of them has already obtained a tribute of commendation in oor Review for March 1783, vol. Ixviii. p.281. in which we refer the reader. The third edition receives fasther noies from Mr. Satis, who had himself been engaged in a pursuit of the like kind before Mr. Holder's System made i:s appearance. To this work, che three, which follow, entirely relare: ihey are intended to assist the scholar in its use, and to enable him to employ it in the most intelligible and beneficial manner. Mr. Satis muit have bestowed considerable attention, as well as much time, on these little volumes ; in which he offers exercises adapied to the different parts of the grammars, and accompanies them with farther references to the proper word in the dictionary, by which Jalt we find he means Nugent's Pocket-dictionary, the fifth and fixth editions. The two books of clattical exercises are in other respects the same, but this great distinction runs throughout, viz. that the larger of the two contains every minute reference, whereas the smaller has only those of a more general kind; and they are published in this manner, that the preceptor and the scholar may make choice of that which seems most likely to facilitate and promote their purpose. It is probable that if the learner has resolution to pursue atientively the plan here laid down, he will find ic beneficial, and indeed entertaining, even though at first it should prove somewhat irksome. The other book, called the Guide, gives moft, or all, of the different passages beforementioned, in their more perfect form, French and English; and whereas the Exercises finish with nouns of number, the sensences here collected proceed to verbs and
adverbs. -Mr. Satis informs the public, that, should his plan be
to their Protestant Fellow Subje&ls, and to the Public in general,
Svo. pp. 45.
18. 6 d.
« We confess, that we are at a loss to divine on what facts this alarm and outcry of intimidation can be founded. We have done nothing. No Roman Catholic has done, or proposes to do any thing, but to make an exposition of his true lituation to the bumanity, to the justice, to the judgment of our fellow-fubjes, of our sovereign and his parliament. Is this intimidation ? Is it sedition or commotion, direct or indirect ? On what principle is it pretended ? Must we lock up our forrows in our hearts; and are we alone denied the free uprestrained indulgence of complaint-the consolation of wretchedness, and the privilege of flavery itself? Are we not to argue, are we not even to state our case? Are our griev. ances of a kind, or is our relation to the laws of our country Tuch, that to dilate on their tendency and operation would harrow up the Soul of man, and set in action all the secret springs and seeds of insurrection. And is the lot of our people so bad, is their comparative condition so wholly desolate, that to direct their attention to the enjoyments of their countrymen and fellow-subjects, and to soggest the poffeffion of similar advantages, is to kindle in their breasts the fire of an unextinguishable ambition ? Alas! we are afraid it is almost too irue. We do, indeed, labour under legal incapacities, infinite in number, and boundless in extent. They wring us in a thousand places, and in a thousand hapes. This mals of unwieldy and severe exclufion is supported by prejudices, roo'ed in antiquity, hereditary and transmissive, engrained by education, and confirmed by habit. What are we to do? We know that God has given lamentation 10 woe, solicitation to desire, importunity to want, images of diftress to affect the feelings, and argument to conquer prejudice. These are the instincts of nature, the armory of our hearts, to defend and to relieve us from oppression. And shall we not use them? If this is sedition, if it is fedition to address ourselves to the sensibility, to the justice, to the patriotism, to the honour, to the gratitude, to the interests of our countrymen; if it is sedition to indicate the points in which we are more peculiarly galled by the pressure of unequal laws; to fhew that our excommunication from the liberties of our country taiots the source and impairs the essence of those very liberties ; if to demonstrate that restrictions upon the free use of the property which industry has acquired, and the talents which God has given; to prove that the long catalogue of our disabilities and incapacities are so many clogs, bars and remoras to the course of national prosperity; and, if it is a crime again it the State, to make it appear, that the disfranchisement of 'THREE MILLions of the people is a void and hollow chasm, which has yawned for a hundred years, and yet yawns at the foot of the throne, and under the foundation of the established church; if to suggest the patural, evident, happy, effectual, safe and universal remedy for all those evils, be to intimidate parliament, we are guilty of the .charge. What is worse, we do not know how we shall be able to avoid it in future. It is not in our power not to know, that we are estranged, as it were, and dead to the conftitution. It is imposs fible for us not to desire (if not a total emancipation), at least, ibat a growing frinciple may be etablished, by which we may once
mote be gathered into the bofom, and transfused into the circula, tion of the State. Whatever entreaty, whatever reason, whatever argument can do to effect is, we are bound at least to attempt ; we are bound to ourselves, and to our country, to use and to exhaust whatever resources are to be found in the fundamental laws of the land, in the rules of eternal justice, and in the more liberal, buc equally certain sphere of national policy. And where does that growing principle reside? In the elective franchise (that eflence of a free conftitution), and in that alone. Any even the minuteit portion of thac vivifying principle, chat root of freedom, and source of public security, and of personal consequence, -" binding us to our fellow-Subjects by mutual interest and mutual affe&tion,” inter. weaving us in all the concernments of social life, in time mult, and alone can, wear out all diftinctions, level all'inequalities, and oniting the whole people in one bond of common prosperity and reciprocal obligation, cement the fabric both of the Srare and of THE CHURCH. For why should we wilh to injure, or why should we not defend a Church, the strength and ornament of that State from which it no longer excludes us?'
In pursuit of the constitutional object of their ambition, they acknowlege that, in a qualified sense, they institute a claim of sight; at the same time, they are willing to receive every concellion in their favour, as Aowing from the free unconstrained benignity of parliament and their sovereiga. The charges which are brought against them, they conceive to have a tendency to alarm the minds of their Protestant fellow-fubjects, and to revive religious animosity. To prove that they are groundless, they ak,
• Why should our fellow-subjects view us with scornful and form picious eyes? We desire them to appeal to the real sentiments of their own hearts, for our true dispofitions and principles. If they have seen us in private life, honelt, laborious, peaceable; faithful to our engagements, and just in our dealings: if they have afted with us upon that affurance, why do they suppose, when we desire to enter into a larger communication of the social benefits, that we are actuated by evil motives? If we have been found true in the routine of ordinary trusts, why should it be supposed that we fall prove false in that one superiour covenant, by which we all are bound to the state, and under which all the ducies and all the engagements of life are comprehended? What they have knowa us to be, ruch still we are. We are not conspirators against the Church of State. We do not grudge to Protestants the advantages of conftitutional sights. We desire to partake in them as benefits, in which the acquiltion of one man is not the detriment of another-free and common benefits. The constitution is large enough for us all. And let it be remembered that we as the possesion of no:bing, and only a bare capacity to acquire; and that not extending to all things, but limited even in those to which it does extend.'
To this reasonable expoftulation we do not see what can be objected. Indeed the whole appeal is written with so much good sense and