A. M. 2888. A. C. 1116; OR, ACCORDING TO HALES, A. M. 4259. A. C. 1152. I SAM. L. TO THE END. Philistines durst not appear upon the frontiers of Israel, but were forced to restore the cities which they had taken from them: so that Samuel had a good reason to set up a monument (which he did between Mizpeh and Shen, calling it Eben-ezer,' that is, the stone of help,') in memory of so great a deliverance. After this action, the most part of Samuel's government was employed in a peaceable administration of justice. For which purpose he took a circuit every year round a great tract of the country: but as he grew in years, he appointed his two sons Joel and Abiah to the execution of that office, who degenerating a from their father's example, became such mercenary and corrupt judges, that the elders of Israel came in a body to Samuel, complained of the grievances they lay under, by reason of his infirmity, and his sons' mal-administration, and thereupon demanded to have the form of their government changed, and a king instituted among them, as there was in other nations. This demand was far from being agreeable to Samuel; however, he consulted God upon it, who gave him answer, that he should comply with the people in what they desired, notwithstanding the affront did not terminate so much upon Samuel as himself; but before they proceeded to the choice of a king, he ordered him to acquaint them with what his prerogatives were, and what rights they might expect, that he would demand from them; and withal to inform them, that slavery to them and their children, subjection to the meanest offices, loss of liberty, heavy taxes, constant war, and many other inconveniences would be the consequence of a kingly power. But all these remonstrances availed nothing: a It may probably be made a question, why God did not punish Samuel, as he did Eli, for the wickedness of his sons? But to this it may be answered, that Samuel's sons were not so bad as those of Eli; since taking bribes privately was not like openly profaning the tabernacle, and making the worship of God contemptible. And besides this, it is possible that Samuel might be ignorant of the corruption of his sons, since he lived at Ramah, and they at Beersheba.-Patrick's Commentary. The rules of conduct which God prescribes to the person that should at any time be constituted king over Israel, are of a quite different sort from this practice. He shall not multiply horses to himself, neither shall he multiply wives to himself, neither shall he greatly multiply to himself silver or gold. He shall write him a copy of the law in a book, and he shall read therein all the days of his life, that he may learn to fear the Lord his God, and to keep all the words of this law, and those statutes, to do them, that his heart be not lifted up above his brethren, and that he turn not aside from the commandments to the right hand, or to the left,' (Deut. xvii. 16.) &c. So that Samuel does not in the words before us, define what are the just rights of kings, but describes only such practices as the kings of the east, who were despotic princes, and looked upon their subjects as so many slaves, were generally accustomed to: and the prophet had reason to draw a king in those black colours, because the Israelites desired such a one as their neighbours had, who were all under the absolute dominion of their princes.-Le Clerc's and Calmet's Commentaries. c It is generally supposed, that what made the Israelites so urgent at this time for a king, was a present strait they thought themselves in, for want of an able leader: for Nahash the king of the Amorites coming up to Jabesh Gilead, and encamping before it, had put the inhabitants into such a fright, that, without more to do, they offered to surrender upon terms, telling him, that they would become subjects to him, if he would make a league with them.' (1 Sam. xi. 1.) But the haughty Amorite in contempt of Israel, let them know, that if he made a league with them, the condition thereof should be, that they should the people persist in the desire of a king, and God tells Samuel, that he will not fail to give them one. The appearance of providence in the election of their king was indeed very remarkable. Saul the son of Kish, of the tribe of Benjamin, was a very tall, handsome youth; and it so happening at this time, that some of his father's asses being gone astray, he, and a servant along with him, were sent to look for them. They wandered about a great way without gaining any intelligence, till coming to Ramah, the place of Samuel's residence, at his servants' instigation, he went to advised with him concerning the asses. God had apprized Samuel with the coming of the person that day, who was to be appointed king; and therefore Samuel, when he saw him, showed him all the respect that was due to his former come out to him, and let him thrust out all their right eyes, and d The narration of this circumstance we have in the text, 1 Sam. ix. 5-8, as follows, we quote Boothroyd's version:"When they were come to the land of Zuph, Saul said to his young man who was with him, come let us return, lest my father said unto him, behold now, there is in this city a man of God, cease to think on the asses, and become anxious for us. And he and he is an honourable man; all that he saith assuredly cometh to pass: let us now go thither; perhaps he may show us the way behold should we go, what shall we present to the man? for the in which we should go. Then said Saul to his young man, But, bread which was in our bags is spent, and we have not a present to bring to the man of God; what have we? And the young man answered Saul again, and said, Behold I have in my possession the fourth part of a shekel of silver; that let us give to the man of God, that he may show us the way." Presenting gifts is one of the most universal methods of doing persons honour in the east. Maundrell (Journey, p. 26.) says, 11, this day we all dined at consul Hastings' house, and after Thursday, March, dinner went to wait upon Ostan, the bassa of Tripoli, having first sent one present, as the manner is among the Turks, to procure a propitious reception. It is counted uncivil to visit in this country without an offering in hand. All gentlemen expect it as a kind tribute due to their character and authority, and look upon themselves as affronted, and indeed defrauded, when this compliment is omitted. Even in familiar visits amongst inferior people, you shall seldom have them come without bringing a flower, or an orange, or some other such token of their respect to the person visited; the Turks, in this point, keeping up the ancient oriental custom hinted, 1 Sam. ix. 7. If we go,' says Saul, what shall we bring the man of God? there is not a present,' &c.; which words are questionless to be understood in conformity to this eastern custom, as relating to a token of respect, and not a price of divination." To this account it may be added, that when Lord Macartney had his interview with the emperor of China, in his embassy to that prince, in 1793, the receiving and returning of presents, made a considerable part of the ceremony. Presents of some kind or other are the regular introducers of one party to another in the east. Pococke tells us of a present of fifty radishes. Bruce relates, that in order to obtain a favour from him, he received a very inconsiderable present. "I mention this trifling circumstance," he says, "to show how essential to humane and civil intercourse presents are considered to be in the east: whether it be dates or whether it be diamonds, they are so much a part of their manner, that without them, an inferior will never be at peace in his own mind, or think that he has hold of his superior for his protection. But superiors give no presents to their inferiors."-Travels, vol. i. p. 68.; Forbes's Oriental Memoirs, vol. i. p. 260.-Ev. A. M. 2888. A. C. 1116; OR, ACCORDING TO HALES, A.M. 4259. A. C. 1152. 1 SAM. I. TO THE END. character. He took him with him a to the high place, | several fevents which should befall him in his return where he was going to sacrifice; he invited him to feast home, in token of the truth of his designation to that with him upon the sacrifices that were to be offered; and office,s had invited thirty guests more to bear him company. He seated him in the highest place, and distinguished him likewise by ordering the choicest dishes to be served up to him. That evening he had a long conference with him in private, and the next morning as he was waiting on him out of town, he ordered d the servant to be sent before him, that he might acquaint him with God's purpose of exalting him to the regal dignity; and having anointed him to be king of Israel, he foretold him с ap a In several places of Scripture, the Canaanites are said to have had their high places whereon they worshipped their idols; but this is the first instance of any belonging to the people of God; and it is the opinion of some learned men, that this pointment of a private or inferior place of worship, even while the ark and tabernacle were in being, by so great an authority as that of Samuel, gave rise to the institution of synagogues and proseuchas in so many places of the kingdom afterwards. Patrick's Commentary. 61 Sam. ix. 24. And the cook took up the shoulder, and that which was upon it, and set it before Saul.' The shoulder of a lamb is thought in the east a great delicacy. Abdolmelek the Caliph, (Ockley's History of the Saracens, vol. ii. p. 277.) upon entering into Cufah, made a splendid entertainment. When he was sat down, Amron the son of Hereth, an ancient Mechzumian, came in: he called him to him, and placing him by him upon his sofa, asked him what meat he liked best of all that ever he had eaten. The old Mechzumian answered, an ass's neck well seasoned and well roasted. You do nothing, says Abdolmelek: what say you to a leg or a shoulder of a sucking lamb, well roasted and covered over with butter and milk?" This sufficiently explains the reason why Samuel ordered it for the future king of Israel, as well as what that was which was upon it, the butter and milk.-Harmer, vol. i. p. 319.-ED. C Boothroyd following the Septuagint translates, (1 Sam. ix. 25, 26,) as follows. They then came down from the high place unto the city, and Samuel communed with Saul on the roof of the house; for in the roof a bed had been made for Saul, in which he slept. Now when the morning dawned, Samuel called to Saul on the roof of the house, saying, Arise, that I may send thee away. And Saul arose, and both he and Samuel went out abroad.' This makes the matter clear and satisfactory, and is in accordance with the customs of the east. Sleeping on the top of the house has always been customary with the eastern people. "It has ever been a custom with them, equally connected with health and pleasure, to pass the night in summer upon the house tops, which for this very purpose are made flat, and divided from each other by walls. We found this way of sleeping extremely agreeable; as we thereby enjoyed the cool air, above the reach of the gnats and vapours, without any other covering than the canopy of the heavens, which unavoidably presents itself in different pleasing forms upon every interruption of rest, when silence and solitude strongly dispose the mind to contemplation."-Wood's Balbec, Introduction, and Forbes's Oriental Memoirs, vol. iii. p. 234.—ED. d This was with design to let Saul understand, that what he was going to do was by the divine order and appointment; and that when it should come to the casting of lots, (as it did afterwards, 1 Sam. x. 20.) he might perceive that he was not chosen king by chance of a lot. There might be likewise this further reason for Samuel's bidding Saul to send away his servant, namely, lest the people suspecting Samuel to do this by his own will, more than by God's appointment, might be inclinable to mutiny. Since this royal unction then was only designed for Saul's private satisfaction, it was necessary not to have it published before the people had proceeded to a public election of their king.-Howell's History, in the notes. e We read of no express command for the anointing of kings, and yet it is plain from the parable of Jotham, (Jud. ix. 3.) that this was a custom two hundred years before this time. Why oil, rather than any other liquid, was the symbol of conveying a regal authority, we are nowhere informed. It is true, that God directed Moses to consecrate Aaron to the high priest's Thus Saul was appointed king; but then it was only between Samuel and himself. To make his choice and inauguration therefore more public, Samuel called an assembly of the people together at Mizpeh, to which place the ark of the Lord was brought, that they might, with more solemnity, proceed to the election of a king. The method of their electing was this:-First, the lot was cast for every tribe separately, to know out of which the king was to be chosen, and the lot fell upon that of Benjamin: next, it was cast for all the families of this tribe, and fell upon that of Matri; and lastly, it was cast for all the persons of this family, and fell upon Saul, the son of Kish, who, when he came into the assembly, for he chose to be absent at the time of the election, and had been recommended by Samuel in a short speech upon that occasion, appeared so portly, and with so much majesty, that he gained the affections and good wishes of all, except some few disorderly persons, who disapproved of the choice, and, in pure contempt, refused to make him the usual presents; which Saul office, by anointing his head with oil, (Exod. xxix. 7.) But the anointing of kings, we may presume, was of a prior date. Unction indeed, in the days of Jacob, was the common method of setting apart from common use even things inanimate, (Gen. xxviii. 18.); and therefore it may well be supposed that persons of such designation, as kings were, were all along admitted by the same ceremony, which might be of divine appointment, perhaps at the first institution of government, in the antediluvian world, and thence handed down, by a long tradition, to future generations. This rite of unction, in short, was so much the divine care, that we find God giving Moses a prescription how to make the consecrating oil, (Exod. xxx. 23.) But though Solomon was anointed with oil taken from the tabernacle, yet since Samuel was no priest, and could not therefore have any access to the tabernacle, which at this time was at some distance from him, it is more reasonable to think, though some Jewish doctors will have it otherwise, that what he made use of, upon this occasion, was no more than common oil. Patrick's Comment. f The events which Samuel told Saul he should meet with in his return home, were these:-That near Rachel's tomb, he should meet two men, who should inform him, that his father's asses were found again; that departing thence, he would meet three men going to Bethel, one of them carrying three kids, another three cakes of bread, and the third a bottle of wine, and that they should give him two parts thereof; and that when he came to Geb, which was commonly called the hill of God, where there was a garrison of the Philistines, he should meet a company of prophets going into the city, where the Spirit of God should fall upon him, and he, to the wonder of all that should hear him, should begin a prophesy among them: all which signs happened exactly as Samuel had foretold them. (1 Sam. x. 2, &c.) g The text (1 Sam. x. 1.) says, Then Samuel took a vial of oil, and poured it upon his head, and kissed him, and said, Is it not because the Lord hath anointed thee to be captain over his inheritance?' The kiss of homage was one of the ceremonies performed at the inauguration of the kings of Israel. The Jews called it the kiss of majesty. There is probably an allusion to it in Psalm ii. 12.—ED. h It was a constant custom among the eastern nations, and is even to this day, whenever they approached the prince, to present him with something; but here, in the case of Saul, at his first accession to the throne, it was the proper method of recognising him. The Chaldee paraphrase says, that "they did not come to salute him, or wish him an happy reign;" but this is the same thing, because the first salutation offered to a king was always attended with presents, which carried with them a sign of peace and friendship, of congratulation and joy, and of subjection and obedience.-Calmet's Commentury.-See this subject illustrated in a preceding note.-ED. A. M. 2888. A. C. 1116; OR, ACCORDING TO HALES, A. M. 4301. A. C. 1110. 1 SAM. i. TO THE END. could not but perceive, though in point of prudence he | king's fame to such a degree, that some, thought proper at that time a to overlook. Saul had not been many days upon the throne, before there happened a fit occasion for him to exert himself. Nahash, king of the Ammonites, laid siege to Jabesh- | Gilead on the other side of Jordan, and had so closely begirt it, that the people offered to capitulate; but on no better conditions would he permit them, than that each man should have his right eye put out. Hereupon they sent to Gibeah to demand aid of king Saul in the space of seven days, (for that was all the time allowed them ;) and he, having summoned all Israel to come to their assistance upon pain of death, in a very short time had an army of 300,000 Israelites, besides 30,000 of the tribe of Judah, and with these he promised to relieve the besieged the very next day. Nor was he worse than his word: for dividing his army into three parts, and falling upon the besiegers about daybreak, he so totally routed and dispersed them, that scarce two of them were left together. This victory, and the deliverance which it procured from a barbarous and insulting enemy, raised their new a In this Saul acted a very wise and politic part, as being unwilling to begin his reign with any disorder or tumult, which his just resentment of such an affront might perhaps have occasioned. These sons of Belial, as they are termed, were very likely persons of some rank or quality; and therefore they despised Saul, for his having been related to a small tribe, and sprung from an obscure family. If then he had taken notice of this affront, and not revenged it, he had shown himself mean-spirited; and if he had resented it as it deserved, he might both have provoked a party against him, and at his first setting out, incurred the censure of rashness and cruelty: a prejudice, which, in the future course of his reign, would have been far from doing any good.— Howell's History in the notes. b This town lay on the east side of Jordan, and not far distant from the Ammonites who besieged it. It was in being in the times of Eusebius and St Jerome, and was situate on a hill about six miles distant from Pella, as one goes to Gerasa. It is sometimes in Scripture simply called Jabesh, and what the inhabitants thereof are further remarkable for, is-their grateful remembrance of the benefits they had received from Saul, when, after his death, having heard that the Philistines had fastened his body to the wall of Bethshan, they went all night, and took the body of Saul, and the bodies of his sons from the wall, and came to Jabesh, and burnt them there, and took their bones and buried them under a tree at Jabesh, and fasted seven days;' for which they were highly commended by David, (2 Sam, ii, 5.)—Wells' Geography of the Old Testament, vol. 3. e The reason why Nahash was for having their right eye put out, was not only to bring a reproach upon Israel, as himself declares, but to disable them likewise from serving in war; for, as the manner of fighting in those days, was chiefly with bow and arrow, sword and shield, the loss of the right eye made them incapable of either; because, in combat, the left eye is covered with the shield, and in shooting with the bow, it is usual to wink with it; so that depriving them of their right eye, made them useless in war: and yet this barbarous king thought it not proper to put out both their eyes; for then he would have made them utterly incapable of doing the service, or acquiring the tribute for him, which he expected from them.-Calmet's Commentary. remembering the indignities that were put upon him at his coronation, were, in the height of their zeal, for having them now punished with death; but Saul very prudently opposed the motion, and expressed his aversion to have the glories of that day, sullied with the blood of any of his subjects. From this victory, however, Samuel took occasion to give those who had hitherto refused their allegiance, an opportunity of coming in, and recognising the king; and for that purpose ordered a general meeting at Gilgal to confirm Saul's election; which accordingly was celebrated with mirth and joy between both king and people, as well as with sacrifices and thanksgivings to God, as the author of all their successes. Samuel was, at this time, to resign the government entirely into the hands of Saul; and therefore, in the speech which he made upon this occasion, he insisted not a little upon the vindication of his administration. He reminded them of the great transgressions which they and their forefathers committed: he set before them the blessings consequent upon their obedience, and the judgments which would certainly attend their disobedience to the laws of God: he gave them to understand, that they had been f far from doing an acceptable thing to God, in rejecting his government, and desiring a king; and (that they might not think that he mentioned this out of any prejudice, or indeed without a divine direction) he gave them this sign-That God would immediately send a storm of thunder and rain, which, in the g time of wheat harvest, as it was then, was a thing unusual; and with barely relieving Jabesh, but carried on a war against the Ammonites, slew their king, laid waste their country, enriched his army with spoils, and brought the people safe and victorious to their homes again.—Jewish Antiquities, b. 6. c. 6. f That part of the speech, which Josephus introduces Samuel, as making to the people, and complaining of their importunity for a change of government, is conceived in these terms:-"What should you choose another king for, after the experience of se many signal mercies, and miraculous deliverances, while you were under God's protection, and owned him for your governor? You have forgotten the story of your forefather Jacob's coming into Egypt with only seventy men in his train, and purely for want of bread; how God provided for them, and by his blessing, how they increased and multiplied. You have forgotten the slavery and oppression they groaned under, till, upon their cries and supplications for relief, God rescued them himself, without the help of kings, by the hands of Moses and Aaron, who brought them out of Egypt into the land you are now possessed of. How can you then be so ungrateful now, after so many blessings and benefits received, as to depart from the reverence and allegiance you owe to so powerful and so merciful a protector? How often have you been delivered up into the hands of your enemies for your apostasy and disobedience, and as often afterward restored to God's favour, and your liberty, upon your humiliation and repentance? Who was it but God, that gave you victory first over the Assyrians, then over the Ammonites, and then over the Moabites, and last of all over the Philistines, not by the influence and direction of kings, but under the conduct of Jephthah and Gideon ? What madness has possessed you then, to abandon an heavenly governor, for an earthly.”—Jewish Antiq. b. 6. c. 6. g It is an observation of St Jerome, that this harvest in Judea began about the end of June, or the beginning of July, in which season thunder and rain were never known, but only in the spring and autumn, the one called the former, and the other the latter rain; and therefore Samuel by this preamble, ' Is it not wheat harvest to-day?' (chap. xii. 17.) meant to signify the greatness of the miracle God was going to work; that he could, in an instant, and in a time when they least of all expected it, deprive them of all the comforts of life, as they justly deserved, for their rejecting e Josephus acquaints us, that Saul did not content himself I him and his prophet, who was so powerful with him, as by his d It may seem a little strange, that this barbarous prince should be willing to allow the Jabeshites the respite of seven days; but Josephus assigns this reason for it, namely, that he had so mean an opinion of the people, that he made no difficulty to comply with their request. Saul indeed had been appointed king, but having not as yet taken upon him the government, he lived just as he did before, in a private condition, (1 Sam. xi. 5.) So that had he, upon this notice, endeavoured to levy an army, he could not think it possible to be done in so short a space as seven days; and therefore he thought he might grant them these conditions without any danger, and without driving them to desperation as he might have done, had he denied them their request. Patrick's Commentary. A. M. 2888 A. C. 1116; OR, ACCORDING TO HALES, A. M. 4301. A. C. 1110. I SAM. i. TO THE END. this, coming to pass according to his prediction, so terri- | hearted, as to hide themselves in the rocks and caves; fied the people, that they acknowledged their offence, and entreated Samuel to intercede for them; which he not only promised them to do, but to assist them likewise with his best instructions, so long as they adhered to the observation of God's laws; but if they despised them, they were to expect to be destroyed, both they and their king. After this victory over the Ammonites, Saul, in the second year of his reign, disbanded all his army, except 3000 men, two of which he kept for his body guard, and the other thousand were to attend his son Jonathan; who being a prince of great bravery, had taken an opportunity, and cut off a garrison of the Philistines in a Geba, which in effect was a declaration of war. The Philistines, upon this occasion, raised a very powerful army, which consisted of 3000 chariots, 6000 horse, and a multitude of foot, almost innumerable, and came and encamped at c Michmash. The Israelitish army, which was to rendezvous at Gilgal, came in but very slowly, and of those that did, several were so faint prayers, to produce such wonders.—Patrick's, Calmet's, and Le Clerc's Commentaries. a Among the cities of Benjamin, mentioned in Joshua xviii. 24, &c., we read of Gaba, Gibeah, and Gibeon; and in Joshua xxi. 17., we read, that the two cities given to the children of Aaron, out of the tribe of Benjamin, were Gibeon and Geba; whence it is not to be doubted, but that Gaba, mentioned in chap. xviii. was the same with Geba, that we read of in chap. xxi. But then it will no ways follow, that this Geba or Gaba, is the same with Gibeah, because this Gibeah was the royal city where Saul dwelt, and is therefore expressly called Gibeah of Saul;' and for that reason it cannot be supposed, that the Philistines at this time had a garrison there.-Wells' Geography of the Old Testament, vol. 3. ¿ The words in the original, and in our translation, are, thirty thousand; but the Syriac and Arabic versions, which we have thought proper to follow, make them no more than three thousand: and indeed whoever considers, that Pharaoh king of Egypt when he had mustered all his forces together, could bring no more than 600 of these chariots into the field, and all the other princes whose equipages are related in Scripture, much fewer, must needs think it a thing incredible, that the Philistines, out of their small territories which extended no farther than the two tribes of Simeon and Dan, along the coasts of the Mediterranean sea, could ever be able to raise so vast an armament; no, nor all the nations they could possibly call to their assistance. For besides that, in the account of all armies, the cavalry is always more numerous than the chariots of war, which is different here, the largest armies that we ever read of were able to compass a very few of these chariots, in comparison of the number here specified. Mithridates, in his vast army, had but an hundred; Darius but two; and Antiochus Epiphanes, (2 Mac. xiii. 2.) but three. So that we must either say, that the transcribers made a mistake in the Hebrew copy, or with some other commentators suppose that this 30,000 chariots, were not chariots of war, but most of them carriages only, for the conveyance of the baggage belonging to such a vast multitude of men, or for the deportation of the plunder they hoped to be masters of by having conquered the country.-Le Clerc's Commentary, and Universal History. c Eusebius and St Jerome inform us, that in their time, there was a large town of this name, lying about nine miles from Jerusalem, near Ramah: and the text tells that it was eastward from Beth-aven. Now Beth-aven which signifies the house of iniquity,' is supposed to be the same with Bethel, and was so called after that Jeroboam the son of Nebat had set up his golden calves to be worshipped here: but as Bethel lay to the east of Michmash, and not Michmash to the east of Bethel, as the text seems to say, the translation should be, that they encamped at Michmash, having Beth-aven on the east, that is, they seized on that post which Saul had before in Michmash, on Mount Bethel, ver. 2.- Calmet's Commentary. and others, thinking themselves never safe enough, retired even beyond the Jordan. The truth is, that both prince and people were sadly intimidated, because Samuel, whose company at this juncture was impatiently expected, was not yet come; so that the king, fearing that the enemy would fall upon him before he had made his addresses to God for success, ordered sacrifices to be made; and the burnt-offering was just finished, when news was brought him that Samuel was arrived. Samuel had told him beforehand, that by the expiration of seven days, he would not fail to meet him at Gilgal; and therefore, being offended at his diffidence and impatience, he not only sharply rebuked him, but declared likewise that God, by this way of proceeding, would in time be provoked to remove the kingdom from him and his posterity, and give it to another that better deserved it; and so having left Gilgal, he went to Gibeah, whither Saul and his son Jonathan followed him, with a small army of about 6000, and these so badly provided for action, that they had no manner of weapons, but what they could make out of their working tools, because the Philistines would not, at that time, d permit so much as a smith to live among them. d The precaution which the Philistines took to hinder the Israelites from providing themselves with weapons is no more than what other conquerors have done to the nations they have vanquished. Porsenna, when he made peace with the Romans, restrained them from the use of all iron but what was necessary in the tillage of their ground. Cyrus, when he subdued the Lydians, for fear of a revolt, took from them the use of arms, and instead of a laborious life spent in war, suffered them to sink into softness and luxury, so that they soon lost their ancient valour: and (to instance in one prince more) Nebuchadnezzar, when he had made himself master of Judea, took along with him into Babylon all the craftsmen and smiths, that the poorest of the people, which he left behind, might be in no condition to rebel,' (2 Kings xxiv. 14.) The only wonder is, why the Israelites, after they had regained their liberty, under the government of Samuel, and given the Philistines so total an overthrow at Eben-ezer, did not restore those artificers, and so provide themselves with proper arms against the next occasion? But besides the extreme sloth and negligence which appears in the Israelites' whole conduct during this period, it was not so easy a matter, in so short a time, to recover a trade that was lost; especially among a people that had no iron mines, and were so wholly addicted to the feeding of cattle, that they made no account of any mechanical art. In the famous victory which they gained over Sisera, we are told, that there was not a shield or spear seen among fifty thousand men of Israel,' (Judges v. 8.) but notwithstanding this, they had bows and arrows, and slings which the men of Gibeah could manage to a wonderful advantage' (Judg. xx. 16.) And besides these, the Israelites, upon this occasion, might convert their instruments of husbandry, their hatchets, their spades, their forks, their mattocks, &c., into instruments of war; a much better shift than what we read of some, who, in ancient times, had no other arms than clubs and sharpened stakes, hardened in the fire. "The rural contest is not now carried on with hard clubs and stakes burned at the point."—Virgil, Æneid. 7. [The policy of the Philistines has been imitated in modern times. Mulei Ismael went farther towards a total reduction of these parts of Africa than his predecessors had done. Indeed the vigorous Mulei Rashid, his brother and predecessor, laid the foundation of that absoluteness; but was cut off in the height of his vigour, his horse running away with him in so violent a manner, that he dashed out his brains against a tree. But this sherif brought multitudes of sturdy Arabs and Africans, who used to be courted by the kings of Morocco, Fez, &c., to such a pass, that it was as much as all their lives were worth to have any weapon in a whole village or community, more than one knife, and that without a point, wherewith to cut the throat of any sheep or other creature, when in danger of dying, lest it should die with the A. M. 2888. A. C. 1116; OR, ACCording to HALES, A. M. 4301. A. C. 1110. 1 SAM. i. TO THE END. While the Philistine army lay at Michmash, they sent | ready to die with hunger, had not the people interposed, out parties several ways to ravage the country, and met and pleaded the merit of that young prince, to whom with no manner of opposition; till Jonathan, accom- the honour of the day was chiefly owing. panied with his armour-bearer only, found means to ascend a steep rock where the enemy least of all expected an invasion, and so falling upon them unawares, in a short time killed about twenty of them; which put the rest into such a consternation, that mistrusting friends for foes, they began to slaughter and destroy one another, Saul had soon intelligence of this disorder in the enemies' camp, and therefore, willing to make the most of such an opportunity, he got together what forces he could, and fell upon the Philistines with such fury, that he totally routed and defeated them. After this victory, Saul ruled the kingdom with an higher hand, and repulsed his enemies wherever they assailed him. He had indeed a very large and flourishing family. Abinoam, the daughter of Ahimaaz, was his wife; Jonathan, Ishui, and Melchishua, were his sons; Michal and Merab his daughters; Abner his cousingerman, was general of his forces; and as himself was a warlike prince, God made choice of him to put in execution a sentence, which, for many years before, he had decreed against the Amalekites, for their opposing the Israelites in their passage out of the land of Egypt. In the heat of the chase, he caused a proclamation to His commission was utterly to destroy the Amalebe made, that upon pain of death, none should dare to kites, men, women, and children, and to leave not so eat any thing until it was night, that the slaughter of the much as one creature of any kind alive; but instead of enemy might not be retarded. But herein he defeated executing this according to the letter of the precept, d his own purpose; for the people, for want of refresh-he saved Agag their king, and the best of their cattle ment, grew faint in the pursuit, so that the enemy escaped into their own country: and what was another grievous consequence of this interdict, his son Jonathan, who had been absent when the proclamation was made, had like to have fallen a sacrifice to his father's rash vow, merely for eating a little honey, when he was C blood in it, and become unlawful for food."]-Morgan's History of Algiers, p. 196.—En. a This action of Jonathan's, considered in itself, was doubt less a very rash attempt, and contrary to the laws of war, which prohibit all under command as he was, from engaging the enemy, or entering upon any enterprise, without the general's order; but what may very justly be said in excuse of it is, that he had a divine incitation to it, which he might probably feel upon the sight of the Philistines appearing as if they intended to assault Gibeah, and upon the information which he might receive of the great spoil which the three parties made of the poor people in the country.-Patrick's Commentary. 6 How two men could put the whole army into such a consternation, may seem somewhat extraordinary; but it should be considered, that Jonathan and his armour-bearer, climbing up a way that was never attempted before, might come upon them unawares, and surprise them: that this action might happen, as Josephus thinks, early in the morning, when a great part of the Philistines' army was asleep; that even, had they been all awake, Jonathan might have so posted himself, as Horatius Cocles did on a bridge, so as to be able to maintain his pass against all the force of the enemy; that those who made at him, as only one perhaps could at a time, he with one stroke might lay flat on the ground, and his armour-bearer immediately despatch them; that the rest, seeing them act thus intrepidly, might take them for two scouts, or van-couriers only of a great army that was coming up, and ready to fall upon them; that the army of the Philistines, being made up of different nations, might be in the greater confusion, as either not understanding or else suspecting one another; and what might complete their consternation, that God at this time might send a panic fear upon them, which, whenever he does it, even in the opinion of heathens themselves, is enough to make the stoutest tremble, and the most heroic spirits betake themselves to flight. "In frantic dread even the children of the gods (valiant heroes) fly away."-Pindar, Nemea 9. e When Saul told his son Jonathan, that for eating this honey, contrary to his interdict, he should surely die, because the reverence which he had for his vow, was more to him than all the kindred and tenderness of nature,' Josephus introduces the son making his father an answer, not unlike that which Jephthah's daughter, upon a like occasion, returned to him: "That death, says he, shall be welcome to me, which acquits my father of the obligation of a religious vow, and only befalls me, in consequence of so glorious a victory to him that gave me being. I have lived long enough, since I have lived to see the pride and insolence of the Philistines brought down by the Hebrews, which will serve me for a consolation in all my sufferings." And the historian alive; and when Samuel came to expostulate the matter with him, his pretence was, that what he had spared was, in pure respect to God, in order to have them offered to him in sacrifice. But Samuel, who knew very well that this reserve was made out of a principle of avarice more than devotion, first laid before him the iniquity of his conduct, and then declared to him God's immoveable purpose of alienating the kingdom from his family; which made so deep an impression upon him, that he acknowledged his fault, entreated the prophet, who was going abruptly to leave him, to stay, and make intercession for him, and so far to honour him before the 1 See Exod. xvii. 8, &c. and Deut. xxv. 17, &c. tells us farther, that the whole multitude was so charmed with the piety and bravery of the young man, that in ecstasy of tenderness and compassion, they took him away out of the hands of his incensed father, with an oath, "that they would not suffer an hair of that person's head to be touched, who had been so instrumental in a victory that tended to the preservation of them all."—Antiquities, b. 6. c. 7. d Josephus seems to hint, that Saul saved this Amalekite king alive, because he was taken with the comeliness and mjesty of his person; but others rather think that he intended him to decorate his triumph. For when it is said of Saul, that he came to Carmel after his victory, and set him up a place', (I Sam. xv. 12.) the word Jab, they say, will signify an arch, well as any thing else; and thence they conclude, that Saul's purpose was to erect a triumphal arch, in memory of his defeat of the Amalekites; and that he kept their king alive to be led captive in that magnificent procession, wherein he was to make a display of his victory.-Calmet's Commentary. [“ In this place the LXX. read a hand, probably because the trophy or monument of victory, was made in the shape of a large hand, the emblem of power, erected on a pillar. These memorial pillars were much in use anciently, and the figure of a hand was by its em blematical meaning well adapted to preserve the remembrance of a victory."-Niebuhr, (Voyage en Arabia, tom. ii. p. 211. French Edition) speaking of Ali's mosque at Mesched-Ali, says, that "at the top of the dome, where one generally sees on the Turkish mosques a crescent, or only a pole, there is here a hand stretched out, to represent that of Ali." Another writer informs us that at the Alhambra, or red palace of the Moorish kings, in Grenada, "on the key-stone of the outward arch (of the present principal entrance) is sculptured the figure of an arm, the symbol of strength and dominion."-(Annual Register for 1779, Antiquities, p. 124.) To this day, in the East Indies, the picture of a hand is the emblem of power or authority. When the Nabob of Arcot, who was governor of five provinces, appeared on public occasions, several small flags with each a hand painted upon them, and one of a large size with five hands, were solemnly carried before him.]-ED. |