A. M. 2888. A. C. 1116; OR, ACCORDING TO HALES, A. M. 4301. A. C. 1110. 1 SAM. i. TO THE END. and therefore David's business was to find out some safe | count of this transaction a little more narrowly, we may retreat. All the other neighbouring princes were at possibly perceive, that David did not dissemble or act peace with Saul, and must have delivered him up, had a part upon this occasion, but that he was really seized Saul demanded him. Achish was the only one in hos- with a distemper; and that distemper, in all probability, tility with him, and therefore his kingdom the most was an epilepsy, or falling-sickness. proper place for David's refuge, where, though he might not hope to lie long concealed, yet he might nevertheless promise himself kind quarter, from the advantages that would accrue to Achish, in attaching to his interest a person that was evidently the strength of the Jewish, and terror of the Philistine, army. Hard was the fate of David, it must be owned, when he was forced to fly for protection to those whom he had reason to believe were his bitterest enemies; but many great men have been compelled to the same thing; Themistocles to go over to the Persians, and Alcibiades to the Lacedemonians, without turning apostates to the interest of their country.

For whereas it is said of David, that he was struck to the heart (for so it should be rendered) at the words which the officers of Achish said to their master, and thereupon was sore afraid of the king, lest, at their instigation, he should put him to death;' nothing is known to cause an epilepsy sooner than a sudden and violent fright. Whereas it is said in our translation, that he changed his behaviour before them; the words in the Hebrew are his taste,' whereby some understand his reason, was changed;' but the Septuagint seem to have hit upon the right sense, his visage, or countenance, was changed;' for every one knows what a sudden alteration a fit of this distemper occasions in any one's looks. Self-preservation is one of the first laws of nature, Whereas it is said in our translation, that he 'feigned and therefore, if David, when he came to the court of himself mad in their hands,' the Septuagint render it, Achish, found his life in manifest danger, I cannot see he trembled, and was convulsed in his hands,' as having why he might not make use of any means, consistent no power to direct their motions, which is another known with a good conscience for the preservation of it. He effect of an epilepsy. Whereas, again, our translation chose to personate the fool, because he presumed that says, that he scrabbled, or according to the marginal Achish would readily conclude, that the troubles he had note, made marks upon the doors of the gate,' the Sepsuffered under Saul's persecution of him, had stupified tuagint render the words, he fell down against the door his senses, and turned his head. But he was not the of the gate, and the Hebrew word tava implies, with last wise man who put on that disguise; for did not such force and violence, as even to leave marks or Solon, when he found that the Athenians were going to prints upon them; so that he could not but bruise and surrender Salamine, his native country, into the hands hurt himself very much by these falls. Nor is this all; for of the people of Megara, counterfeit the madman, that there is something in the words of Achish, if we will he might with more impunity take the freedom to divert but adhere to the version of the Septuagint, that shows them from it? And 2 Lucius Brutus, that wise imitator David's distemper to have been the falling-sickness, of the fool, as he is called, made use of the same arti- beyond all controversy. For, whereas our translation fice, to escape the suspicion of Tarquin, who had al- is, ' Lo, you see the man is mad, wherefore then have ready murdered his father and eldest brother, in order you brought him to me? I have no need of madmen;" to seize on their great riches. the words of the Septuagint are, 'Why did ye bring this But supposing that there were no examples of other man before me? Ye see that he is in an epilepsy, and wise men to countenance this practice of David's; yet epileptic men I do not want. Why then did ye bring wherever did we read, in the word of God, that strata-him to be taken with a fit in my presence?' Had David gems were not allowable against an enemy? When the all this while been only playing the fool, as our transIsraelites besieged Ai, God himself gave them orders to lation makes him, he might possibly have given Achish make a feint, as though they fled, that they might there- some diversion (as fools in great houses were often by draw the people out of the city; and can the differ-kept to give diversion) by his awkward or frantic tricks ; ence be so great, in pretending to a want of courage, and in counterfeiting a deprivation of reason? A divine direction indeed was in the one, and we do not read that it was in the other case; but why might not God, who had David always under his immediate care and protection, put him upon this expedient, as the only escape he had for his life? Or if the expedient was matter of his own invention, since the circumstances he was in did absolutely require it, it cannot deserve our blame, according to that common distich, that goes under no less a name than Cato's:

Insipiens esto, cum tempus postulat, aut res;

Stultitiam simulare loco, prudentia summa est. a This might be some apology for David's conduct at this critical juncture, supposing that he personated the fool or madman. But if we look into the Scripture ac

Diogenes Laertius, b. 1. in Solone.

2 Dionysius Halicarn. Antiq. Rom. b. 4.

but the horror wherewith the king was struck at the first sight of him, and his indignation against his officers, for bringing him into his presence, are enough to make 41 Sam. xxi, 13.

1 Sam. xxi. 12.

Saurin, vol. 4. Dissertation 34. in Mr Dumont's Letter. 6 The author of the book, which goes under the name of Hippocrates, written professedly upon this subject, wigì 'légove vózou, among many other causes of this distemper, makes mention of a sudden fright as one: "It passes away by reason of an unexpected fright."

c Tarquin the Proud kept L. Junius Brutus as a fool, for so he pretended to be, to divert his children with his absurd discourse and actions. But Anacharsis, who lived about three hundred years after David, complains of this custom among the Grecians, by telling us, that a man was a creature too serious to be designed for so ridiculous a purpose; and to show the continuance of this custom, Pliny, writing to one of his friends, who had complained to him, that at a great entertainment, he had passed his time but very disagreeably, by reason of the kept fools, who were always interrupting conversation, tells him, that every one has his taste, but, as for himself, he could never be delighted

a Be foolish, when time or circumstance demands; seasonably with such extravagancies, though some complaisance was due to to pretend foolishness, is the highest wisdom.

those of another way of thinking.-Epist. 17.

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one believe, that his distemper had made him a frightful | leave their country or lose their liberty. The submission object: and therefore the king commanded immediately to have him removed out of his presence, and out of the palace.

Upon the whole, therefore, we may conclude, that as David had the true symptoms of an epilepsy upon him, which, in all probability, was occasioned by a violent fright; God, in his good providence, might permit this distemper to befall him at this juncture, in order to facilitate his escape out of the hands of Achish, and as soon as the danger was over, restored him to his former health again. For this reason we find him, in those psalms, which he is thought to have composed upon this occasion, alluding both to the nature of his distemper, and to God's goodness, in preserving him in it, and delivering him from it: Great are the troubles of the righteous; but the Lord delivereth him out of them all. He keepeth all his bones, so that none of them is broken;' and therefore unto thee, O God, will I pay my vows, unto thee will I give thanks; for thou hast delivered my soul from death, and my feet from falling, that I may walk before God in the light of the living.'

David, upon his escape from the court of Achish, not knowing of any other place of retreat, betook himself to the cave of Adullam, where he found it necessary to provide for his security, by putting himself upon some foot of defence. Jonathan, from full conviction, had told him, (as himself from frequent experience had found,) that his father, at all adventures, would endeavour to take away his life. His family by this time were fallen under the displeasure of Saul, and were in danger of being all cut off (as lately were the priests of Nob) under pretence of a conspiracy against him; and therefore it is no wonder, that his brethren, having this apprehension of danger before their eyes, resorted to him for their own security; no wonder, that in times of national discord, refugees of all kinds, either through their private wants, or the oppression of their enemies, a disaffection to the government, or a zeal for the next successor, should flock to David: nor was David any ways blamable, for receiving them, since we have abundant reason to presume, that he took none under his protection, but such as were forced to fly from Saul's injustice and oppression, nor screened any debtors, but such as were under a real inability to satisfy their creditors, and were therefore necessitated either to Ps. Ivi. 12, 13.

'Ps. xxxiv. 18.

and discipline wherein he kept his people, and the high notions of respect and reverence which he always infused into them, for the government and person of the king, are an ample testimony that he meditated no defection or revolt; and the debtors whom he secured from cruel prosecutions or slavery, he put in a condition to pay their creditors, by leading them against the enemies of Israel, from whom, in several expeditions, they returned laden with rich spoils.

There is one part, however, of David's conduct, that cannot so well be vindicated; and that is, what passed between him and Achish, upon his second retreat to his court. We may suppose, indeed, that during this interval, an alliance was made between Achish and him, (though the sacred historian makes no mention of it,) and that this new ally, hearing how violently Saul persecuted him, might in hopes of making the breach wider, and of exasperating David against him, voluntarily invite him into his dominions; but certainly we cannot but say, that David should by no means have gone. God had expressly commanded him by his prophet to return into the tribe of Judah, and, at the same time, gave him assurance, that he would be his safeguard and protector. It was therefore an apparent diffidence of God's providence, which had been so long employed in his preservation, to make an enemy's country the place of his refuge; and a breach it was of truth and fidelity to his new ally, to make him believe that he was fighting against his foes, when all the while he was destroying his confederates.

4

But what can we say for his conduct, when he joins forces with the enemies of his country, takes the field with them, promises to act offensively, and looks upon it as a kind of slight and indignity to be dismissed? What have I done,' says he to Achish, that I may not go fight against the enemies of my lord the king?' One would really suspect, by his asking the question, that he had an intention, not unlike that of the famous Martius Cariolanus, who, to revenge himself of the ingratitude of his country, joined with the Volsci to destroy it. But if his intention was either to stand neuter, or to turn against the Philistines in the day of battle, his perfidy and ingratitude to Achish must be open and conspicuous.

In short how well soever we may wish David's character, there is no vindicating his conduct in this parti 3 Calmet's Commentary on 1 Sam. xxii. 2. cular. Which party soever he had taken, he must have a Though there be no comparison between the proceedings of been culpable; and one party he must have taken, had not a very righteous and a very wicked man, David and Catiline, Providence so timely interposed to preserve his honour, yet it may not be amiss, upon this occasion, to take notice of what Sallust says of Manlius, Catiline's agent and ambassador. without injuring his conscience. However, if we would In Etruria Manlius was engaged in collecting those individuals suppose any thing in extenuation of his fault, we must who, oppressed by poverty and grief in having by the tyranny represent to ourselves a fugitive, pursued by a formidable of Sylla lost their property and effects, were become desirous of revolution; robbers also of every description, and in no scant enemy, and every moment in danger of falling into his numbers, flocked around his standard, &c. It is not improbable, hands; this fugitive kindly received at a foreign court, however, that the usage now prevailed among the Jews, which and protected by a prince that was in hostility with his Cæsar tells us, anciently obtained among the Gauls, for persecutor; this prince expecting of his refugee, in conthose that were in debt, oppressed by tributes, or the tyranny of sideration of the favours he had conferred on him, that the great, to betake themselves to the service of some eminent man for protection. By him they were maintained, and to him he should attend him to the war, and espouse his cause they devoted themselves, under a solemn obligation to live and against their common enemy; and all this while the other die with him. These were called in the Gallic language, Sol-bound in gratitude not to be uncivil, and considering the durii, from whence the word soldier is derived; and as they dangerous situation of his own affairs, not daring to discover his real purposes. If we imagine this, I say, we

might be honest and good men, though they had the misfortune to be in debt, or could not submit to tyrannical treatment: so, in all probability, David's companions were.-See the Life of David, by the author of Revelation Examined.

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must allow, that if in any case, what they call a finesse | flying from his country, enlisting men, and putting himin policy were allowable, it was in this of David's, when self in a condition of defence, would, even under our mild he had unhappily brought himself into these circumstances. government, be looked upon as seditious and rebellious It may seem a little strange, perhaps, that David, who proceedings. And therefore we may suppose, that David in these and several other grosser instances, could not himself might not have so favourable an opinion of the but be culpable in the eyes of God, should nevertheless course of life he was compelled at that time to follow; be styled in Scripture, the man after his own heart; might think that he gave some umbrage to Saul's jeabut, whoever observes the occasion of that expression, lousy, and suspicion of him; and might thereupon be will find that it ought to be taken in a comparative sense more inclinable to excuse the violence of his persecuonly, and in derogation indeed to Saul, whose trans- tion, and to make no other use of the advantages he had gression, in sparing Amalek, the prophet Samuel was against him, than to demonstrate his own innocence, and then reproving; that in executing his decrees upon the the groundlessness of the other's suspicions; for such idolatrous nations round about him, David would be seems to be the sense of his own words: "Wherefore more punctual, and not so remiss as Saul had been; and doth my lord thus pursue after his servant? For, what in this respect would conform to the divine will, or be have I done, or what evil is in my hand? Wherefore the man after God's own heart. This seems to be the hearest thou men's words, saying, David seeketh thy hurt? primary sense of the words, though the common solution, Behold this day thine eyes have seen how the Lord hath viz, that though David was a great and grievous sinner, delivered thee into mine hand in the cave, but mine eye yet the severity of his repentance cleared him in the spared thee; therefore cursed be they before the Lord, sight of God, and made an amends for the enormity of who make this difference betwixt us; for they have his transgressions, be not much amiss. driven me out this day from abiding in the inheritance of the Lord.' For herein he not only pleads his own innocence, and good intentions towards the king, but, in some measure, excuses the king's conduct towards him, as being under the influence of evil counsellors, who both imposed upon the king's credulity, and compelled him to such a method of life as was far from being agreeable to his interest or inclination.

It cannot, however, with justice be said, that David was any ways culpable in sparing the life of Saul, even when Providence seems to have put it in his hand. This trial God made of his virtue and clemency; and a glorious conquest it was, not only to overcome his own resentments, which were justly enough founded against Saul, but the arguments and instigations likewise of those about him: Behold the day, of which the Lord said Upon many accounts, therefore, it was an act of his unto thee, Behold, I will deliver thine enemy into thine great and generous soul, for David to spare the life of hand, that thou mayest do to him, as it shall seem good his severest enemy. But though we cannot, in like manunto thee.' God had delivered him into his hand, indeed; ner, justify his indignation against Nabal, and the oath but had given him no order, or permission to slay Saul. which he swore to destroy his whole family; yet some› He had promised him the kingdom likewise, but would thing may be offered in excuse of it, if we attend a little by no means allow him to ascend the throne by blood. to what occasioned it, and the too common effect which His title to the succession was real and incontestable, but such treatment, as Nabal's was, is apt to have upon such not allowed to be put in force, or himself to attempt, by spirits as we may suppose David's to have been. David ways of violence, the possession of the crown, as long as while he continued in the wilderness of Paran, had given Saul was permitted by God to reign, and recognised as his men charge, not only to do no injury to Nabal's sovereign by the people. David, as yet, being only a shepherds and herdsmen, but even to protect and assist private man, had no authority to wage war against Saul; them, in case they were invaded by any of the neighand though it be allowable for any one to defend him- bouring Arabians; and now that their master was shearself against any unjust aggressor, and to repel force by ing his sheep, which was always a festival season, not far force, yet this must be done only in order to secure his from the place where David was encamped, to show him own life, and not to take away that of his adversary; for the greater respect, he sent no less than ten young men what the apostle says of judging, or censuring, is much of his company to make his compliments to him, and, in more forcible in the matter of killing: Who art thou the most civil manner, to request something of him, as it that judgest another man's servant? To his own master was the custom to be generous and liberal at such a time he standeth, or falleth; for there is one lawgiver, who as that, for the relief of himself and his followers, in this is able to save, and to destroy: who art thou then that form: Peace be to thee,' as the young men's instrucjudgest another?' And these rules, which ought to be tions were, and peace be to thine house, and peace be observed by private persons, are much more extensive unto all thou hast.' Peace, in the sacred language, comwhen they relate to a prince and his subject. The sub-prehends all manner of blessings, both spiritual and ject is obliged in duty, even though he be innocent, to temporal; and therefore a higher compliment, as he bear patiently the ill-treatment of his prince. David, say, or a more affectionate salutation, could not have no doubt, was conscious of his own integrity; but were been devised: And now I have heard that thou hast it not for the preceding promises of God in his favour, shearers, and thy shepherds, which were with us, we hurt and the orders which, from time to time, he received them not, neither was there ought missing unto them, all from the high priest's oracle, it would not have been so the while that they were in Carmel:' a sufficient argueasy a matter to justify some part of his conduct. His ment, one would think, to engage Nabal's grateful acknowledgment: because it certainly was a matter of no small courtesy, for a body of men in arms, and in 61 Sam. xxv, &c.

11 Sam. xiii. 14. and xv. 28. 21 Sam. xxiv. 4. Calmet's Commentary on 1 Sam. xxiv. 4.

* Rom, xiv. 4. and Jam. iv. 12.

51 Sam. xxiv. 9, 10.

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16

want of the common necessaries of life not to take by violence what they could not be hindered from. Such men claim a kind of license to do injuries with impunity; and therefore it ought to be deemed a great favour, when they do them not. David and his men, however, are so far from magnifying their services to Nabal, that they only say, they did them no hurt;' whereas his own servants acknowledge, that they were a defence, and a wall to them both by night and by day, all the while that they were with them keeping sheep.' Upon this presumption, the matter of their request was, 'Let the young men find favour in thine eyes, (for we come in a good day;) give, I pray thee, whatsoever cometh unto thine hand unto thy servants, and thy son David.' Words can hardly be invented more full of respect and humility; for he pays a deference to Nabal, either upon the account of his seniority, or descent from the same tribe, and desires no rarities, no delicates, but any thing that first came to hand, and what he could most conveniently spare.

a man of a lofty spirit ; but all put together, could hardly fail of inflaming his mind to such a degree, as to make him lose the government of his passions, and fall into the most vindictive rage, which is generally more observable in military men, whose courage and spirits run high, and being too much accustomed to blood and slaughter, even in lawful wars, have not that dread and abhorrence of cruel and outrageous executions, as the rest of mankind have, who live more retired and peaceable lives.

tal, not to say a military man, too much injured and provoked, and urged by necessity and self-preservation: the change and the thanksgiving, upon being averted from evil, were the sentiments of an hero and a saint.'

It was to the sudden transport of David's passion then, and perhaps that exasperated by the instigations of his own men, that we are to impute his vow, and design of destroying Nabal's family: and though in this we cannot commend him, yet certainly there is something praiseworthy in his speedy reconciliation upon Abigail's first address and application to him, in the room of her husband: 6 Blessed be the Lord God of Israel, which sent thee this day to me; and blessed be thy advice, and blessed be thou, which hast kept me this day from coming to shed blood, and from avenging myself with mine own Nabal, as we just now hinted, was of the same tribe hand.' In a word, the resolution against Nabal, as with David, and could not therefore be supposed igno-one elegantly expresses it, was the resolution of a morrant either of his exploits in defence of his country, or of the true cause of Saul's indignation against him: and yet, observe the rudeness and insolence of his answer to such a civil message and humble request: Who is David, and who is the son of Jesse? There The Jews indeed, as we quoted the objection from are many servants now-a-days, that break every man Josephus, give us an high commendation of Saul, and from his master. Shall I take the provisions I have seem to prefer him before David himself, in regard to made, for my shearers, and give them unto men, whom the magnanimity of his death. But it is much to be I know not whence they are? Nothing certainly could questioned, whether self-murder, which was certainly be more provoking than such an answer as this. The Saul's case, be an act of magnanimity or not. For becharging David with being a vagabond, and rebel to his sides that the laws of all nations have condemned it, as prince, was a reproach insufferable to a man of a liberal abhorrent to the dictates of nature and reason, of selfspirit, who knew himself innocent and therefore no love and self-preservation, the wisest of the heathen wonder that David, upon the report of the messengers, world ever looked upon it as an instance of madness who were themselves brought under the same predica- and brutality, and with great wisdom have concluded, ment, and therefore had no reason to alleviate matters, that such an action is so far from savouring of true courwas resolved, in his passion, to be revenged upon Nabal. age and generosity, that it is the sure effect of a weak For there were four things in the matter before us that and pusillanimous temper of mind; since true greatness seem to have inflamed his resentment, and put him upon of soul as they justly argue, consists in supporting the this sanguinary design. 1st, The want which both he evils of adversity, and not in shifting them off, which is and his companions, at present laboured under, but a mark of a poor impatient spirit, sinking under the comhoped to have relieved out of the abundance of a wealthy mon calamities of life, and not knowing how to bear the man, who might easily have done it without hurting him- blows of bad fortune. 8 Draw thy sword, and thrust self. 2dly, the deception he was under, in finding no me through therewith, lest the uncircumcised come and compensation made him, for the care which he and his mock, or abuse me,' was the request which Saul made people had taken of Nabal's cattle, though perhaps he to his armour-bearer, and shows that it was not bravery had given them his word and assurance that something and courage, but the fear of insults, and a conscious of this kind would be done. 3dly, The resentment which easily rises in the breast of any generous man, when,1 Sam. xxv. 32, 33. Life of King David. 1 Sam. xxxi. 4. instead of thanks, and a grateful acknowledgment, he that is not reckoned a true greatness of soul when any one, By the proper understanding of the right rules of reason, meets with contumely and opprobrious language. And not being able to endure the calamities of life, undertakes to end 4thly, The vexation which an innocent man, conscious of them by laying violent hands on himself; for it is rather a dishis own merits, and the services he had done his king and play of weakness of mind when a man cannot endure either the country, must necessarily feel, when he perceives him- oppressive slavery of his own body, or the sneer of a dastardly self vilified and treated as a scoundrel. world, and surely greater magnanimity must deservedly be said 5 Fugitive and to belong to him who would rather fight than fly from the struggle slave are imputations of the grossest nature; and when of a calamitous life.-Aug. de Civit. Dei, b. 1. c. 22. And to retorted by an ungrateful person upon his guardian and the same purpose is that in an heathen author: 'It is an easy benefactor, are provocations past bearing. matter to despise a life of adversity; he is the true hero who cas be miserable.'-Martial, Epig.

Any one of these things singly was enough to irritate

a

8

in

6 How much nobler was that resolution of Darius, who, finding himself betrayed, and that he was either to be murdered by his own subjects, or delivered into the hands of Alexander, would not however be his own executioner. I had rather,' says he, 'die by another's guilt, than my own.'-Curtius, b. 5.

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inability to bear them with a becoming superiority of mind, that made him shun the storm, when he saw it approaching, by withdrawing from the stage of life.

act, and consequently cannot be his guilt; yet we have no reason to presume, that the case is not so with those, who, out of pride, or haughtiness, fear of miseries to Saul's case indeed was very dolorous; but he had not come, or impatience under present sufferings, distrust of therefore any authority to destroy himself. His life was God's providence, or despair of his mercy, lay violent a sacred depositum of God's, and not to be taken away hands upon themselves; because the act was both volwithout invading his right, and violating his laws at the ❘ untary and vicious, and not to be amended by repentsame time. For whatever some may think of the silence ance: but without limiting thy goodness, O Lord, unto of the Scripture concerning self-murder, there is no thy mercy we commit their souls! question to be made, but that it is included in the sixth commandment, under which Saul then lived. 1 The commandment forbids murder in general; and it is certainly as much murder, to kill ourselves, as to kill another man and the reason which the Scripture gives, why we are not allowed to do it, in both cases, is the same, because in the image of God, made he man.' For if I must not shed the blood of another, because he is made in the image of God; I must not shed the blood of mine own self, because I also am a man, and made in the image of God, as well as he. The reason therefore why we have not more frequent prohibitions against this sin is plainly this, that whatever sins or offences God, as a lawgiver, prohibits, he prohibits with a penalty, that is, he affixes such a punishment to such a crime, and he who commits the crime, is to undergo the punishment in this world, whether it be restitution, loss of limb, or loss of life itself. But now this can never happen in the case of self-murder, because self-murder prevents all punishment, the man being dead, before any cognizance can be taken of his offence, and therefore prevents all laws concerning it; and can, consequently, only be included under general commands, and forbidden as a sin, whereof God alone can take cognizance in the world to

3

Thus we have endeavoured to satisfy most of the popular objections which have been raised against several facts, occurring in the first book of Samuel; and for the farther confirmation thereof, we shall only instance in one or two ancient traditions among the heathens, which in all probability derived their original from this part of sacred history. The Scythians, upon their return out of Egypt, passing through the country of the Philistines, robbed the temple of Venus at Askalon, and for their punishment (as 5 Herodotus tells us) they, and their posterity, were for a long while afflicted with emerods. Whereupon the learned Prideaux remarks, that the Philistines had till then preserved the memory of what they had formerly suffered on account of the ark of God. The Athenians when the mysteries of Bacchus were brought out of Boeotia, having not received them with all the pomp and solemnity that the god expected, were smitten with a disease in their secret parts, which resembled the malady of the people of Ashdod, and so did their cure too; for having consulted the oracle, they were informed, that the way to get rid of their plague, was to offer unto Bacchus golden figures of the part wherein they were afflicted. The Grecians, at the taking of Troy, discovered an ark dedicated to Bacchus; and when Eurypilus, as Pausanias tells us, adventured to Since, upon the whole then, Saul may be said to have open it, he found therein the image of the god, but was died in an act of cowardice, and in the violation of immediately deprived of his senses for daring to look God's law, whereof he had no space to repent, it has into it; which seems to be a plain transcript from the been a matter of some inquiry, what we are to think of irreverence and fate of the Bethshemites. 9 Clemens his salvation. The Scripture indeed tells us, that Saul Alexandrinus has observed, that the fable of Æacus's died for his transgression, which he committed against praying for rain in a great drought, and when Greece the Lord, and also for asking counsel of one who had a was sadly distressed for want of corn, was borrowed familiar spirit, to inquire of it, and inquired not of the from that part of Samuel's history, where he is said to Lord; and therefore the Lord slew him.' But it is have called down thunder and rain, in the time of doing a manifest violence to the sense of these words, wheat harvest, when the sky was all serene and clear: to apply them as some have done, to his final perdition, and therefore we need less wonder at the story bewhen they plainly relate to no more than his temporal tween Saul and the witch of Endor, when we read of death. The dangerous and destructive nature of self- Circe, Medea, Erichtho, Manto, Antonoe, and several murder is, that it makes repentance, the only revealed other women, who, in the heathen world, became famous condition of man's salvation, impossible; but then we for their necromancy, and of the many votaries that reare to know, that in that inexhaustible fountain of good-sorted to them; when we find Statius introducing Tireness, there may be some uncovenanted mercy, some so- sias, as raising altars, making libations, and offering vereign and prerogative grace, that may make favour-sacrifices, a with solemn invocations to the infernal gods; able allowances for the distraction of men's thoughts or passions, the violence of their fears or troubles, or the over-bearing weight of any other temptation.

come.

But to determine this question more peremptorily, though it certainly be consonant to the mercy and goodness of God, to think, that no man shall answer for any miscarriage which is wholly occasioned by the power of a disease, or the distraction of the brain, because whatever is committed, in such a case, is not the man's free

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and Homer himself, spending a great part of 10 one book of his poem, in representing Ulysses as invocating the ghost of this same Tiresias, and attending to the oracles which proceeded from his mouth. These things had their foundations in some early traditions, which at first