Sparta; so much power has the lust of dominion and prosperity over even virtuous men. Diodorus concludes his reflection with a maxim, very true, though very little known; "the greatness and majesty of princes," says he, (and the same may be said of all persons in high authority,)" can be supported only by humanity and justice with regard to their subjects; as, on the contrary, they are ruined and destroyed by a cruel and oppressive government, which never fails to draw upon them the hatred of their people." SECTION III.-LYSANDER ABUSES HIS POWER IN AN EXTRAORDINARY MANNER. HE IS RECALLED TO SPARTA. As Lysander had the greatest share in the celebrated exploits which had raised the glory of the Lacedæmonians to so high a pitch; so he had acquired a degree of power and authority, of which there was no example before in Sparta; but he suffered himself to be carried away by a presumption and vanity still greater than his power. He permitted the Grecian cities to dedicate altars to him as to a god, and to offer sacrifices, and sing hymns and songs in honour of him. The Samians ordained a public decree, that the feasts celebrated in honour of Juno, and which bore the name of that goddess, should be called "the feast of Lysander." He had always a crowd of poets about him, (who are otten a tribe of venal flatterers,) who emulated each other in singing his great exploits, for which they were magnificently paid. Praise is undoubtedly due to noble deeds, but diminishes their lustre when either forged or excessive.* This sort of vanity or ambition, had he stopped there, would have hurt only himself, by exposing him to envy and contempt; but a natural consequence of it was, that through his arrogance and pride, in conjunction with the incessant flatteries of those around him, he carried the spirit of command and authority to an insupportable excess, and observed no longer any measures either in rewarding or punishing. The absolute government of cities with tyrannic power were the fruits of his friendship, and the ties of hospitality with him; and only the death of those he hated could put an end to his resentment and displeasure, without its being possible to escape his vengeance. What Sylla caused to be inscribed upon his tomb, might with equal propriety have been engraved upon Lysander's: "That no man had ever surpassed him in doing good to his friends, or evil to his enemies." Treachery and perjury cost him nothing, whenever they promoted his designs; nor was he less cruel than revengeful, a sufficient proof of which is shown in his conduct at Miletus. Apprehending that those who were at the head of the people would escape him, he swore not to do them any harm. Those unfortunate men relied on his oath, but no sooner appeared in public, than they were put to the sword, with his consent, by the nobility, who killed them all, to the number of eight hundred. The number of those in the party of the people, whom he caused to be massacred in the other cities, is incredible; for he did not only destroy to satiate his own resentments, but to serve in all places the enmity, malice, and avarice of his friends, whom he supported in gratifying their passions by the death of their enemies. There was no kind of injustice and violence which the people did not suffer under the government of Lysander; while the Lacedæmonians, who were sufficiently informed of his conduct, gave themselves no trouble to prevent its effects. It is too common for those in power to be little affected with the vexations and oppressions laid upon persons of low condition and credit, and to be deaf to their just complaints, though authority is principally confided in them for the defence of the weak and poor, who have no other protectors. But if such remonstrances are made by a great or powerful person, from whom they may have any thing to hope or fear, the same authority that was dilatory and indifferent, becomes immediately active and interested; a certain proof that Plut. in Lys. p. 443-445. it is not the love of justice that actuates it. This appears in the conduct of the Lacedæmonian magistrates. Pharnabasus, weary of Lysander's repeated injustices, who ravaged and pillaged the provinces under his command, having sent ambassadors to Sparta, to complain of the wrongs he had received from that general, the ephori recalled him. Lysander was at that time in the Hellespont. The letter of the ephori threw him into great consternation. As he principally feared the complaints and accusations of Pharnabasus, he made all the haste he could to come to an explanation with him, from the hope of softening him, and making his peace. He went for that purpose to him, and desired, that he would write another letter to the ephori, intimating a satisfaction in his conduct. "But Lysander," says Plutarch," in such an application to Pharnabasus, forgot the proverb.* The satrap promised all he desired; and accordingly wrote such a letter in Lysander's presence as he had asked of him, but prepared another to a quite different effect. When he was to seal it, as both letters were of the same size and form, he dexterously put that he had wrote in secret into the place of the other, without being observed, which he sealed and gave him." Lysander departed well satisfied; and having arrived at Sparta, alighted at the place where the senate was assembled, and delivered the letter of Pharnabasus to the ephori. But he was strangely surpised when he heard the contents, and withdrew in extreme confusion and disorder. Some days after he returned to the senate, and told the ephori, that he was obliged to go to the temple of Ammon, to acquit himself of the sacrifices he had vowed to that god before his battles. That pilgrimage was no more than a pretence to cover the pain it gave him to live as a private person in Sparta, and to submit to the yoke of obeying; he who till then had always governed. Accustomed long to commanding armies, and to the flattering distinctions of a kind of sovereignty exercised by him in Asia, he could not endure the mortifying equality with the multitude, nor restrain himself to the simplicity of a private life. Having obtained permission, not without great difficulty, he embarked. As soon as he was gone, the kings, reflecting that he held all the cities dependent on him, by means of the governors and magistrates established therein by him, to whom they were also indebted for their unlimited authority, and that he was thereby effectually lord and master of all Greece, applied themselves vigorously to restore the government of the people, and to depose all his creatures and friends from any participation in it. This alteration occasioned great tumults at first. About the same time Lysander, being apprised of the design of Thrasybulus to establish the liberty of his country, returned with the utmost diligence to Sparta, and endeavoured to engage the Lacedæmonians to support the party of the nobility at Athens. We have before observed, that Pausanias, from a more noble spirit of equity and generosity, gave peace to Athens, and by that means, according to Plutarch, checked the ambition of Lysander CHAPTER II. YOUNG CYRUS, WITH THE AID OF THE GRECIAN TROOPS, ENDEAVOURS TO DETHRONE HIS BROTHER ARTAXERXES. HE IS KILLED. FAMOUS RETREAT OF THE TEN THOUSAND. ANTIQUITY has few events so memorable, as those I am about to relate in this place. We see on one side a young prince, abounding otherwise with excellent qualities, abandoned to his violent ambition, carry the war from far against his brother and sovereign, and go to attack him almost in his own palace, * The Greek proverb is, Cretan against Cretan-from the people of Crete, who passed for the greatest cheats and liars in the world. with a view of depriving him at once of his crown and life. We see him fall dead in the battle at the feet of that brother, and terminate, by so unhappy a fate, an enterprise equally bold and criminal. On the other hand, the Greeks who follow him, destitute of all succour after the loss of their chiefs, without allies, provisions, money, horse, or archers, reduced to no more than ten thousand men, with no resource but in their own persons and valour, supported only by the warm desire of preserving their liberty, and of returning to their native countries; these Greeks, with bold and intrepid resolution, make their retreat before a victorious army of a million of men, traverse five or six bundred leagues, notwithstanding vast rivers and innumerable passes, and arrive at last in their own country through a thousand fierce and barbarous nations, victorious over all obstacles in their way, and over all the dangers which either concealed fraud or open force compel them to undergo.* This retreat, in the opinion of the best judges, and most experienced in the art of war, is the boldest and best conducted exploit to be found in ancient history, and is deemed a perfect model in its kind. Happily for us, it is described to the most minute circumstance by a historian, who was not only an eye-witness of the facts he relates, but the director, the soul of this great enterprise. I shall only abridge it, and abstract its most material circumstances; but I cannot omit advising young persons, who make arms their profession, to consult the original, of which there is a good translation extant in French, though far short of the admirable text. It is very difficult to meet with a more able master than Xenophon in the art of war, to whom may be well applied here, what Homer says of Phoenix, the governor of Achilles, that he was equally capable of forming his pupil for eloquence or arms."† SECTION 1.-CYRUS RAISES TROOPS AGAINST HIS BROTHER ARTAXERXES. We have already said, that young Cyrus, son of Darius Nothus and Parysatis, saw with pain his elder brother Artaxerxes upon the throne, and that at the very time the latter was taking possession of it, he had attempted to deprive him of his crown and life together. Artaxerxes was not sensible of what he had to fear from a brother of his enterprising and ambitious spirit, but could not refuse pardoning him to the prayers and tears of his mother Parysatis, who doated upon this youngest son. He removed him therefore into Asia to his government; confiding to him, contrary to all the rules of policy, an absolute authority over the provinces left him by the will of the king, his father. As soon as he arrived there, his thoughts were solely intent upon revenging the supposed affront he had received from his brother, and to dethrone him. He received all who came from the court with great favour and affability, to induce them insensibly to quit the king's party, and adhere to him. He gained also the hearts of the barbarians under his government: familiarizing himself with them, and mingling with the common soldiery, though without forgetting the dignity of their general; these he formed by various exercises for the duties of war. He applied particularly in secret to raise from several parts, and upon different pretexts, a body of Grecian troops, upon whom he relied much more than upon those of the barbarians. Clearchus retired to his court after having been banished from Sparta, and was of great service to him, being an able, experienced, and valiant captain. At the same time several cities in the provinces of Tissaphernes revolted from their obedience in favour of Cyrus. This incident, which was not an effect of chance, but of the secret practices of that prince, gave birth to a war between them. Cyrus, under the pretence of arming against Tissaphernes, assembled troops openly; and to amuse the court *Post mortem Cyri, neque armis a tanto exercitu vinci, neque dolo capi potuerunt; revertentesque inter tot indomitas nationes et barbaras gentes, per tanta itineris spatia, virtute se usque terminos patriæ defenderunt.-Justin. 1. v. c 11. Iliad. x. ver. 443. A. M. 3500. Ant. J. C. 404. Diod. I. xiv. p. 243-249, 252. Justin. I. v. c. 11. Xenoph. de Cyri Exped. I. i. p. 243-248. A. M. 3601. Ant. J. C. 403. more speciously, sent grievous complaints to the king against that governor, de manding his protection and aid in the most submissive manner. Artaxerxes was deceived by these appearances, and believed that all the preparations by Cyrus only related to Tissaphernes, and continued quiet, from the assurance of having nothing to apprehend for himself.* Cyrus knew well how to improve the imprudent security and indolence of his brother, which some people conceived the effect of his goodness and humanity. And indeed, in the beginning of his reign, he seemed to imitate the vir tues of the first Artaxerxes, whose name he bore: for he demeaned himself with great mildness and affability to such as approached him; he honoured and rewarded magnificently all those whose services had merited favour; when he passed sentence to punish, it was without either outrage or insult; and when he made presents, it was was with a gracious air, and such obliging circumstances, as infinitely exalted their value, and implied that he was never better pleased than when he had an opportunity of doing good to his subjects. To all these excellent qualities it had been very necessary for him to have added one no less royal, and which would have put him upon his guard against the enterprises of a brother, whose character he ought to have known; I mean a wise foresight, that penetrates the future, and renders a prince attentive to prevent or frustrate whatever may disturb the tranquillity of the state.† The emissaries of Cyrus at the court were perpetually dispersing reports and opinions among the people, to prepare their minds for the intended change and revolt. They said that the state required a king of Cyrus's character; a king, magnificent, liberal, who loved war, and showered his favours upon those who served him; and that it was necessary for the grandeur of the empire to have a prince upon the throne, fired with ambition and valour for the support and augmentation of its glory. The young prince lost no time on his side, and hastened the execution of his great design. He was then not more than twenty-three years old. After the important services which he had rendered the Lacedæmonians, without which they could never have obtained the victories that had made them masters of Greece, he thought he might safely open himself to them. He therefore imparted to them the present situation of his affairs, and the end he had in view; convinced that such a confidence could not but incline them the more in his favour.‡ In the letter he wrote them, he spoke of himself in very magnificent terms. He told them he had a greater and more royal heart than his brother: that he was better versed in philosophy and the knowledge of the magi:§ and that he could drink more wine than he, without being disordered in his senses; a very meritorious quality among the barbarians, but not proper to recommend him to the opinions of those he wrote to. The Lacedæmonians sent orders to their fleet to join that of the prince immediately, and to obey the commands of Tamos his admiral, in all things, but without the least mention of Artaxerxes, or seeming in any manner privy to his design. They thought that precaution necessary for their justification with Artaxerxes, in case affairs should happen to terminate in his favour. The troops of Cyrus, according to the review afterwards made, consisted of thirteen thousand Greeks, which were the flower and chief force of his army, and of a hundred thousand regular men of the barbarous nations. Clearchus the Lacedæmonian, commanded all the Peloponnesian troops, except the Achæans, who were led by Socrates of Achaia. The Boeotians were under Proxenes the Theban, and the Thessalians under Menon. The barbarians were commanded by Persian generals, the chief of whom was Ariæus. The fleet consisted of thirty-five ships under Pythagoras the Lacedæmonian, and * A. M. 3602. Ant. J. C. 402. Plut. in Artax. p. 1014. A. M. 3603. Ant. J. C. 401, By the knowledge of the magi, among the Persians, was meant the science of religion and government. Quærentes apud Cyrum gratiam; et apud Artaxerxem, si vicisset, veniæ patrocinia, cum nibil adver sus eum aperte decrevissent.—Justin. 1. v. c. 11. of twenty-five commanded by Tamos the Egyptian, admiral of the whole fleet. It followed the land-army, coasting along the shore.* Cyrus had opened his design only to Clearchus of all the Greeks, rightly foreseeing, that the length and boldness of the enterprise could not fail of discouraging and disgusting the officers as well as soldiers. He made it his sole application to gain their affections during the march, by treating them with kindness and humanity, conversing freely with them, and giving strict orders that they should want for nothing. Proxenes, between whose family and Xenophon's an ancient friendship subsisted, presented that young Athenian to Cyrus who received him very favourably, and gave him an employment in his army among the Greeks. He at length set out for Sardis, and marched towards the upper provinces of Asia. The troops knew neither the occasion of the war, nor into what countries they were going. Cyrus had only caused it to be given out, that he should act against the Pisidians, who had infested his province by their incursions. Tissaphernes, rightly judging that all these preparations were too great for an enterprise destined only against Pisidia, had hastened from Miletus, to give the king an account of them. This news occasioned great trouble at court. Parysatis, the mother of Artaxerxes and Cyrus, was looked upon as the principal cause of this war; and all persons in her service and interest were suspected of holding intelligence with Cyrus. Statira especially, the reigning queen, reproached her incessantly in the most violent terms. "Where is now," said she to her, "that faith you have so often engaged for your son's behaviour? Where those ardent prayers you employed to preserve from death that conspirator against his king and brother? It is your unhappy fondness that has kindled this war, and plunged us into an abyss of misfortunes." The antipathy and hatred of the two queens for each other was already very great, and much inflamed by such warm reproaches. We shall hereafter see their consequences. Artaxerxes assembled a numerous army to receive his brother.‡ Cyrus advanced continually by great marches. What troubled him most on the way was the pass of Cilicia, which was a narrow defile between very high and steep mountains, that would admit no more than one carriage to pass at a time. Syennesis, king of the country, prepared to dispute this passage with him, and would infallibly have succeeded, but for the diversion made by Tamos with his fleet, in conjunction with that of the Lacedæmonians. To de fend the coasts against the insults of the fleet, Syennesis abandoned that important post, which a small body of troops might have maintained against the greatest army.§ When they arrived at Tarsus, the Greeks refused to march any farther, rightly suspecting that they were intended against the king, and loudly exclaiming, that they had not entered into the service upon that condition. Clearchus, who commanded them, had occasion for all his address and ability to stide this commotion in its birth. At first he made use of authority and force, but with very ill success, and desisted therefore from an open opposition to their sentiments: he even affected to enter into their views, and to support them with his approbation and credit. He declared publicly, that he would not separate himself from them, and advised them to depute persons to the prince, to know from his own mouth against whom they were to be led, that they might follow him voluntarily if they approved his measures; if not, that they might demand his permission to withdraw. By this artful evasion he appeased the tumult, and pacified them; and they chose him and some other officers for their deputies. Cyrus, whom he had secretly apprised of every thing, made answer, that he was going to attack Abrocomas his enemy, at welve days march from thence upon the Euphrates.* When this an * Xenoph. Cyri. Exped. 1. i. p. 252. I 2 Xenoph. I. i. p. 49-291. Plut. in Artax. p. 10id. |