the Romans were not a little troubled; but begin to cause [curse] their own negligence. For whereas they had formerly taken so much pains to beat them out of the isle of Sicily, as suspecting their neighbourhood there; they had now, by cumbering themselves in a war of far less importance, (whereof I shall speak anon,) given them leisure, without interruption, to recover upon their own continent a dominion by far exceeding, both in the bodies of men and in revenue, that which the Romans had taken from them. But how to help this at the present they knew not; for they daily expected to be invaded by the Gauls, their ancient enemies, and nearest neighbours to the west. But he needeth little help of force that knoweth himself to be feared; it is enough if he request, since his request shall have the virtue of a command.

Yet were the Romans utterly destitute of all good colour that might help them to intermeddle in Spain: the Spaniards were then unacquainted with Rome, whereof (in probability) they scarce had heard the name; so that there were no Mamertines, nor other such rebels, to call in Roman succours. But in the enterprise of Sardinia the Ro mans had learned an impudent pretence, that might also serve their turn in Spain. For though it were apparent, that the Spanish affairs had no relation to the peace between these two cities; and though it were nothing likely that Asdrubal had any purpose to extend his victories unto the gates of Rome, or to any of the Roman frontiers, yet (as if some such matter had been suspected) they sent unto him, requiring that he should forbear to proceed any fur ther than to the river of Iberus. In addressing their messengers rather to Asdrubal than to the city of Carthage, they seem to have hoped, that howsoever the generality of the Carthaginians had sweetly swallowed many bitter pills, to avoid all occasion of war with Rome; yet the bravery of one man might prove more fastidious, and, resenting the injury, return such answer as would entangle his whole country in the quarrel that they so much desired; and might embrace at leisure, when once they had found appa

rent cause. But Asdrubal finely deluded their expectation: he pretended no manner of dislike at all; and whereas they would have this insolent covenant inserted into the articles of peace, he took upon him to do it of his own power, with such appearance of conformity to their will, that they went their ways contented, and sought no further.

If it had been so, that the state of Carthage, thereunto pressed by the Romans for fear of present war, had ratified this new composition made by Asdrubal, yet should it not have stood bound in honour to observe the same carefully, unless an oath had also been extorted to make all sure. But since all passed quietly under the bare authority of Asdrubal, this capitulation was none other in effect than a second breach of peace, whereof the Romans might be accused more justly, than they could accuse the Carthaginians of perjury, (as they after did,) for refusing to stand to it.

By this treaty with Asdrubal, the Romans won some reputation in Spain. For when it was once conceived by the Spaniards, that the city which would needs be mistress over them stood in fear herself of receiving blows from a stouter dame, there were soon found some that, by offering themselves to the protection of Rome, became (as they thought) fellow-servants with Carthage. But the Carthaginians will shortly teach them another lesson. The Saguntines, a people on the south side of Iberus, entered into confederacy with the Romans, and were gladly accepted. Surely it was lawful unto the Romans to admit the Saguntines, or any other people, (neither subject nor open enemy in war to the Carthaginians,) into their society; and unlawful it was unto the Carthaginians to use violence towards any that should thus once become confederate with Rome. Nevertheless, if we consider the late agreement made with Asdrubal, we shall find that the Romans could have none other honest colour of requiring it, than an implicit covenant of making the river Iberus a bound, over which they themselves would not pass in any discovery or conquest by them intended to be made upon Spain; in which regard they might have some honest pretence to require the like of the Carthagin

ians, though Rome as yet had no foot on the one side of Iberus, whereas Carthage, on the other side of that river, held almost all the country. Howsoever it were, this indignity was not so easily digested as former injuries had been. For it was a matter of ill consequence, that the nations, which had heard of no greater power than the Carthaginian, should behold Saguntum resting securely among them, upon confidence of help from a more mighty city. Wherefore either in this respect, or for that the sense is most feeling of the latest injuries, or rather for that now the Carthaginians were of power to do themselves right; war against Saguntum was generally thought upon, let the Romans take it how they list. In such terms were the Carthaginians when Asdrubal died, after he had commanded in Spain eight years; (being slain by a slave, whose master he had put to death ;) and the great Hannibal, son of the great Amilcar, was chosen general in his stead.

SECT. VI.

The estate of Greece, from the death of Pyrrhus to the reign of Philip, the son of Demetrius, in Macedon.

IN the long term of the first Punic war, and the vacation following between it and the second, the estate of Greece, after the death of Pyrrhus, was grown somewhat like unto that wherein Philip of Macedon had found it, though far weaker, as in an after-spring. The whole country had recovered by degrees a form of liberty; the petty tyrannies (bred of those inferior captains, which in the times of general combustion had seized each upon such towns as he could get) were by force or accident extirpated and reformed; and some states were risen to such greatness, as not only served to defend themselves, but to give protection to others. This conversion to the better, proceeded from the like dissensions and tumults in Macedon, as had been in Greece, when Philip first began to encroach upon it. For after many quarrels and great wars, about the kingdom of Macedon, between Antigonus the elder, Cassander, Demetrius, Lysimachus, Seleucus, Pyrrhus, and the Gauls; Antigonus

the son of Demetrius finally got and held it, reigning six and thirty years; yet so that he was divers times thence expelled, not only by the Gauls and by Pyrrhus, as hath been already shewed, but by Alexander the son of Pyrrhus the Epirot, from whose father he had hardly won it. This happened unto him by the revolt of his soldiers, even at such time as having overthrown with great slaughter an army of the Gauls, he was converting his forces against the Athenians, whom he compelled to receive his garrisons. But his young son Demetrius raised an army, wherewith he chased Alexander, not only out of Macedon, but out of his own Epirus, and restored his father to the kingdom.

By the help of this young prince Demetrius, (though in another kind,) Antigonus got into his possession the citadel of Corinth, which was justly termed the fetter of Greece. This citadel, called Acrocorinthus, stood upon a steep rocky hill on the north side of the town, and was by nature and art so strong, that it seemed impregnable. It commanded the town, which was of much importance, as occupying the whole breadth of the isthmus, that, running between the Ægean and Ionic seas, joineth Peloponnesus to the main of Greece. Wherefore he that held possession of this castle, was able to cut off all passage by land from one half of Greece unto the other, besides the commodity of the two seas, upon both of which this rich and goodly city had commodious havens. Alexander the son of Polysperchon, and after his death Cratesipolis his wife, had gotten Corinth in the great shuffling of provinces and towns that was made between Alexander's princes. Afterwards it passed from hand to hand, until it came, I know not how, to one Alexander, of whom I find nothing else, than that he was thought to be poisoned by this Antigonus, who deceived his wife Nicæa thereof, and got it from her by a trick. The device was this: Antigonus sent his young Demetrius to Corinth, willing him to court Nicæa, and seek her marriage. The foolish old widow perceived not how unfit a match she was for the young prince, but entertained the fancy of marriage, whereto the old king was even as ready to consent, as was

his son to desire it, and came thither in person to solemnize it. Hereupon all Corinth was filled with sacrifices, feasts, plays, and all sorts of games; in the midst of which Antigonus watched his time, and got into the castle, beguiling the poor lady, whose jealousy had been exceeding diligent in keeping it. Of this purchase he was so glad, that he could not contain himself within the gravity beseeming his old age. But as he had stolen it, so was it again stolen from him; neither lived he to revenge the loss of it, being already spent with age.

Demetrius the son of this Antigonus succeeding unto his father, reigned ten years. He made greater proof of his virtue before he was king, than after. The Dardanians, Ætolians, and Achæans held him continually busied in war, wherein his fortune was variable, and for the more part ill. About these times the power of the Macedonians began to decay, and the Grecians to cast off their yoke.

Philip, the only son of Demetrius, was a young child when his father died, and therefore Antigonus his uncle had the charge of the kingdom during the minority of the prince, but he assumed the name and power of a king, though he respected Philip as his own son, to whom he left the crown at his death; this Antigonus was called the tutor, in regard of his protectorship, and was also called Doson, that is, as much as Will-give, because he was slow in his liberality. He repressed the Dardanians and Thessalians, which molested his kingdom in the beginning of his reign. Upon confidence of this good service he took state upon him, as one that rather were king in his own right, than only a protector. Hereupon the people fell to mutiny, but were soon appeased by fair words and a seeming unwillingness of his to meddle any more with the government. The Achaians took from him the city of Athens soon after Demetrius's death, and likely they were to have wrought him out of all or most that he held in Greece, if their own estate had not been endangered by a nearer enemy. But civil dissension, which had overthrown the power of Greece when it flourished most, overthrew it easily now again,