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doubted, that they would readily have submitted themselves unto him that ruled all Greece besides them. In what terms they commonly stood, and how ill they were able to defend themselves, it shall appear anon. Sure it is, that Alexander's coming into those parts would have brought excessive joy to them that were fain to get the help of Pyrrhus, by offering to become his subjects. As for the Carthaginians; if Agathocles, the tyrant of Syracuse, hated of his people, and ill able to defend his own besieged city, could, by adventuring to sail into Afric, put their dominion, yea, and Carthage itself, in extreme hazard; shall we think that they would have been able to withstand Alexander? But why do I question their ability, seeing that they sent ambassadors, with their submission, as far as Babylon, ere the war drew near them? Wherefore it is manifest that the Romans must without other succour than perhaps of some few Italian friends (of which yet there were none that forsook them not at some time, both before and after this) have opposed their valour, and good military discipline, against the power of all countries to them known, if they would have made resistance. How they could have sped well in undertaking such a match, it is uneasy to find in discourse of human reason. It is true, that virtue and fortune work wonders; but it is against cowardly fools, and the unfortunate for whosoever contends with one too mighty for him, either must excel in these, as much as his enemy goes beyond him in power; or else must look both to be overcome, and to be cast down so much the lower, by how much the opinion of his fortune and virtue renders him suspected, as likely to make head another time against the vanquisher. Whether the Roman or the Macedonian were in those days the better soldier, I will not take upon me to determine; though I might, without partiality, deliver mine own opiuion, and prefer that army, which followed not only Philip and Alexander, but also Alexander's princes after him, in the greatest dangers of all sorts of war, before any that Rome either had, or in long time after did send forth. Con

cerning fortune, who can give a rule that shall aways hold? Alexander was victorious in every battle that he fought, and the Romans in the issue of every war. But forasmuch as Livy hath judged this a matter worthy of consideration, I think it a great part of Rome's good fortune that Alex- ander came not into Italy; where, in three years after his death, the two Roman consuls, together with all the power of that state, were surprised by the Samnites, and enforced to yield up their arms. We may therefore permit Livy to admire his own Romans, and to compare with Alexander those captains of theirs, which were honoured sufficiently in being thought equal to his followers: that the same conceit should blind our judgment, we cannot permit without much vanity.

Now in deciding such a controversy, methinks it were not amiss for an Englishman to give such a sentence between the Macedonians and Romans, as the Romans once did (being chosen arbitrators) between the a Ardeates and Aricini, that strove about a piece of land; saying, that it belonged unto neither of them, but unto the Romans themselves.

If therefore it be demanded, whether the Macedonian or the Roman were the best warrior; I will answer, the Englishman. For it will soon appear, to any that shall examine the noble acts of our nation in war, that they were performed by no advantage of weapon; against no savage or unmanly people; the enemy being far superior unto us in numbers and all needful provisions, yea, as well trained as we, or commonly better, in the exercise of war.

In what sort Philip won his dominion in Greece; what manner of men the Persians and Indians were, whom Alexander vanquished; as likewise of what force the Macedonian phalanx was, and how well appointed, against such arms as it commonly encountered; any man, that hath taken pains to read the foregoing story of them, doth sufficiently understand. Yet was this phalanx never, or very seldom, able Livy, Dec. 1. 1. 3.

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to stand against the Roman armies; which were embattled in so excellent a form, as I know not whether any nation besides them have used, either before or since. The Roman weapons likewise, both offensive and defensive, were of greater use than those with which any other nation hath served, before the fiery instruments of gunpowder were known. As for the enemies with which Rome had to do, we find that they which did overmatch her in numbers were as far overmatched by her in weapons; and that they of whom she had little advantage in arms, had as little advantage of her in multitude. This also (as Plutarch well observeth) was a part of her happiness, that she was never overlaid with two great wars at once.

Hereby it came to pass, that having at first increased her strength by accession of the Sabines; having won the state of Alba, against which she adventured her own self, as it were in wager, upon the heads of three champions, and having thereby made herself princess of Latium; she did afterwards, by long war in many ages, extend her dominion over all Italy. The Carthaginians had well near oppressed her, but her soldiers were mercenary; so that for want of proper strength, they were easily beaten at their own doors. The Etolians, and with them all or the most of Greece, assisted her against Philip the Macedonian: he, being beaten, did lend her his help to beat the same Etolians. The wars against Antiochus, and other Asiatics, were such as gave to Rome small cause of boast, though much of joy; for those opposites were as base of courage, as the lands which they held were abundant of riches. Sicily, Spain, and all Greece fell into her hands, by using her aid to protect them against the Carthaginians and Macedonians.

I shall not need to speak of her other conquests; it was easy to get more when she had gotten all this. It is not my purpose to disgrace the Roman valour, (which was very noble,) or to blemish the reputation of so many famous victories; I am not so idle. This I say, that among all their wars I find not any wherein their valour hath appeared B 3

comparable to the English. If my judgment seem over partial, our wars in France may help to make it good.

First therefore it is well known, that Rome (or perhaps all the world besides) had never any so brave a commander in war as Julius Cæsar; and that no Roman army was comparable unto that which served under the same Cæsar. Likewise it is apparent that this gallant army, which had given fair proof of the Roman courage, in good performance of the Helvetian war, when it first entered into Gaul, was nevertheless utterly disheartened when Cæsar led it against the Germans. So that we may justly impute all that was extraordinary in the valour of Cæsar's men, to their long exercise, under so good a leader, in so great a war. Now let us in general compare with the deeds done by these best of Roman soldiers, in their principal service, the things performed in the same country by our common English soldier, levied in haste from following the cart, or sitting on the shop-stall; so shall we see the difference. Herein will we deal fairly, and believe Cæsar in relating the acts of the Romans; but will call the French historians to witness what actions were performed by the English. In Cæsar's time France was inhabited by the Gauls, a stout people, but inferior to the French, by whom they were subdued, even when the Romans gave them assistance. The country of Gaul was rent in sunder (as Cæsar witnesseth) into many lordships; some of which were governed by petty kings, others by the multitude, none ordered in such sort as might make it appliable to the nearest neighbour. The factions were many and violent; not only in general through the whole country, but between the petty states, yea in every city, and almost in every house. What greater advantage could a conqueror desire? yet there was a greater; Ariovistus, with his Germans, had overrun the country, and held much part of it in a subjection little different from mere slavery: yea, so often had the Germans prevailed in war upon the Gauls, that the Gauls (who had sometimes been the better soldiers) did hold themselves no way equal to

those daily invaders. Had France been so prepared unto our English kings, Rome itself by this time, and long ere this time, would have been ours. But when king Edward the Third began his war upon France, he found the whole country settled in obedience to one mighty king; a king whose reputation abroad was no less than his puissance at home; under whose ensign the king of Bohemia did serve in person; at whose call the Genoese, and other neighbour states, were ready to take arms; finally, a king unto whom one prince gave away his dominion for love, canother sold away a goodly city and territory for money. The country lying so open to the Roman, and being so well fenced against the English, it is note-worthy, not who prevailed most therein, (for it were mere vanity to match the English purchases with the Roman conquest,) but whether of the two gave the greater proof of military virtue. Cæsar himself doth witness, that the Gauls complained of their own ignorance in the art of war, and that their own hardiness was overmastered by the skill of their enemies. Poor men, they admired the Roman towers and engines of battery, raised and planted against their walls, as more than human works. What greater wonder is it that such a people was beaten by the Romans, than that the Caribees, a naked people, but valiant as any under the sky, are commonly put to the worse, by small numbers of Spaniards? Besides all this, we are to have regard of the great difficulty that was found in drawing all the Gauls, or any great part of them, to one head, that with joint forces they might oppose their assailants; as also the much more difficulty of holding them long together. For hereby it came to pass, that they were never able to make use of opportunity, but sometimes compelled to stay for their fellows; and sometimes driven to give or take battle upon extreme disadvantages, for fear lest their companies should fall asunder: as indeed upon any little disaster they were ready to break, and return every one to the defence of his own. All this,

and (which was little less than all this) great odds in wea

The dolphin of Viennois.

The king of Majorca.

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