exported to Argos, amongst other places, the
produce of Egypt and Assyria. Argos, at
that period, was the most famous of all those
states which are now comprehended under the
general appellation of Greece. ' On their ar-
rival here, the Phoenicians exposed their mer-
chandise to sale; after remaining about six
days, and when they had almost disposed of
their different articles of commerce, the king's
daughter, whom both nations agree in calling
Io, came among a great number of other wo-
men, to visit them at their station. Whilst these
females, standing near the stern of the vessel,
amused themselves with bargaining for such
things as attracted their curiosity, the Phoeni-
cians, in conjunction, made an attempt to seize
their persons.
The greater part of them es-
caped, but Io remained a captive, with many
others. They carried them on board, and di-
rected their course for Egypt.

Greeks replied, that they should make no re1 paration in the present instance, as the violence formerly offered to Io' remained still unexpiated.

III. In the age which followed, Alexander, the son of Priam, encouraged by the memory of these events, determined on obtaining a wife from Greece, by means of similar violence; fully persuaded that this, like former wrongs, would never be avenged.

Upon the loss of Helen, the Greeks at first employed messengers to demand her person, as well as a compensation for the affront. All the satisfaction they received was reproach for the injury which had been offered to Medea; and they were farther asked, how, under circumstances entirely alike, they could reasonably require, what they themselves had denied.

IV. Hitherto the animosity betwixt the two nations extended no farther than to acts of personal and private violence. But at this period, II. The relation of the Greeks differs essen- continue the Persians, the Greeks certainly tially but this, according to the Persians, was laid the foundation of subsequent contention : the cause of Io's arrival in Egypt, and the first who, before the Persians ever invaded Europe, act of violence which was committed. In pro- doubtless made military incursions into Asia. cess of time, certain Grecians, concerning whose The Persians appear to be of opinion, that they country writers disagree, but who were really who offer violence to women must be insensiof Crete, are reported to have touched at Tyre, ble to the impressions of humanity and justice, and to have carried away Europa, the daughter of but that such provocations are as much beneath the prince. Thus far the Greeks had only re- revenge, as the women themselves are undetaliated: but they were certainly guilty of the serving of regard it being obvious, that all the second provocation. They made a voyage in females thus circumstanced must have been a vessel of war to Ea, a city of Colchos, near more or less accessary to the fact. They asthe river Phasis; and, after having accomplish-serted also, that although women had been fored the more immediate object of their expedi- cibly carried away from Asia, they had never tion, they forcibly carried off the king's daughter, Medea. The king of Colchos despatched a herald to demand satisfaction for the affront, and the restitution of the princess; but the

3

1 Greece.]—The region known by the name of Hellas or Greece, in the time of Herodotus, was, previous to the Trojan war, and indeed long afterwards, only discriminated by the names of its different inhabitants. Homer speaks of the Danaans, Argives, Achaians, &c. but never gives these people the general name of Greeks.-Larcher.

2 Thus far the Greeks had only retaliated.]—The editor is in possession of a translation of the two first books of Herodotus, published in London so early as the year 1584. It is in black letter, and may be considered as a great curiosity. The above passage is thus rendered: "It chaunced afterward, that certaine Greekes, whose names they knew not, taking shore and landing at Tyrus, in like manner made a rape of the kinges daughter, named Europa. These were the people of Crete, otherwise called the Cretenses. By which meanes yt was cardes and cardes betweene them, the one beyng full meete and quit with the other."-The first Booke of Clio, London, 1584.

3 In a vessel of war.]-Literally in a long vessel.-The long vessels were vessels of war, the round vessels, merchantmen and transports.-T.

:

5

that the king of Colchos had nothing to do with the vio4 Violence formerly offered to Io.]-It may be urged lence offered to Io; she was carried off by the Phœnicians. But, according to the Persians, all the nations of Asia composed but one body, of which they were the head. Any injury, therefore, offered to one of the members, was considered as an hostility against the whole. Thus, as we see in a succeeding paragraph, the Persians considered the Greeks as their enemies, from the time of the destruction of Troy.-Larcher.

5 More or less accessary, &c.]—Plutarch, who has writ. ten an essay expressly to convict Herodotus of malignity, introduces this as the first argument of the truth of his accusation. The Greeks, says he, unanimously affirm, that Io had divine honours paid her by the Barbarians that many seas and capacious harbours were called after her name; that to her many illustrious families owe their original: yet this celebrated writer does not hesitate to say of her, that she suffered herself to be enjoyed by a Phoenician mariner, with whom she fled, from the fear of being disgraced by the publication of her crime. He afterwards endeavours to throw an odium on the most illustrious actions of his countrymen, by intimating that the Trojan war was undertaken on account of a profligate woman. "For it is evident," says he, "that these women would have been never carried away except with their own consent."-Plutarch on the malignity of Herodotus.

resented the affront. The Greeks, on the contrary, to avenge the rape of a Lacedæmonian woman, had assembled a mighty fleet, entered Asia in a hostile manner, and had totally overthrown the empire of Priam. Since which event they had esteemed themselves justified in considering the Greeks as the public enemies of their nation. It is to be observed, that the Persians esteem Asia, with all its various and barbarous inhabitants, as their own peculiar possession, considering Europe and Greece as totally distinct and unconnected.

G

VI. Croesus, by descent a Lydian, was the son of Alyattes, and sovereign of those countries which lie on this side of the river Halys. This stream, in its passage from the south" towards the north, passes through Syria and Paphlagonia" and finally empties itself into the Euxine. Croesus, we have reason to believe, was the first of the barbarian princes who exacted tribute from some nations of Greece, and entered into leagues of amity with others. Before his time, the Greeks were universally free: he, however, subdued the Eolians, the Ionians, with such of the Dorians as are situate in Asia, whilst he formed a friendly alliance with the Lacedæmonians. It appears that the incursion of the Cimmerians" into Ionia, was before the

flourishing and happy, now laid before my eyes prostrate and in ruins, &c." The whole letter is eminently beau.

tiful, and I lament that it is beyond our limits to tran

scribe it.-T.

8 This stream, in its passage from the south.]—There are different opinions concerning the course of this river. Arrian says, that it does not flow from the south, but from the east. This author having in his mind the place of the

take in the passage before us.

V. The above is the Persian tradition; who date the cause and origin of their enmity to Greece from the destruction of Troy. What relates to Io is denied by the Phoenicians; who affirm that she was never forcibly carried into Egypt. They assert, that during their continuance at Argos, she had an illicit connection with the pilot of their vessel, and proving pregnant, she voluntarily accompanied them to Egypt, to avoid the detection of her crime and the indignation of her parents. Having now stated the different representations of the Per-sun's rising in the winter, accuses Herodotus of a missians and, Phoenicians, I shall not detain the reader by an investigation of the truth of either narrative. I shall commence with an account of that personage, of whose first attacks upon Greece there exists the most unquestionable testimony. I shall, as I proceed, describe with some minuteness the smaller cities and larger communities: for, many of these, at present possessed neither of opulence nor power, were formerly splendid and illustrious; others have, even within my remembrance, risen from hu mility to grandeur. From my conviction, therefore, of the precarious nature of human felicity, these shall all be respectively described.

7

6 Connection with the pilot of their vessel.]—I make no apology for inserting the following singular translation of the above passage:-With whose assertions the Phonices agree not aboute the lady Io; whom they flatly denye to have beene caryed by them into Egipt in manner of a rape: shewinge howe that in their abode at Argos, shee fortuned to close with the mayster of a shippe, and feelynge herselfe to bee spedde, fearynge and doubtinge greatlye the severitye and cruel tyrannie of her раrentes, and the detection of her owne follye, shee willinglye toke shippe and fledde strayght awaye."-Clio. b. 1. 7 Precarious nature of human felicity.]-This moral reflection of Herodotus cannot fail of bringing to mind the consolatory letter written from Greece, by Sulpicius to Cicero, on the death of Tullia the orator's daughter. At the distance of more than four hundred years from the time of Herodotus, Sulpicius thus expresses himself on a similar occasion :-" On my return from Asia, as I was sailing from Ægina towards Megara, I could not help looking round on the circumjacent country. Behind me was Egina, before me Megara, Piræus on my right hand, Corinth on my left; all which places, formerly

Wesseling had the same idea, who nevertheless has not solved the difficulty. The truth is, there were two rivers of this name, the one rising from the south, the other from the east. Hero dotus speaks of the first, Arrian of the last. D'Anville is of the same opinion.-Larcher.

9 Syria.]-Syria was at that time the name of Cappadocia. See chapter lxxvi.-T.

10 Paphlagonia.]—It may appear matter of surprise to some, that Herodotus should make the Syrians border on the Paphlagonians. But by the Syrians, Herodotus here means the Cappadocians, called by the Greeks Leuco-or White-Syrians. This is obvious from Strabo, as well as from Herodotus himself, in his second book.—

Palmerius.

Cimmerians about the time of Homer, or somewhat be

11 Cimmerians.]-Strabo dates this incursion of the

fore. Wesseling thinks, and with reason, the authority of the geographer of less weight than that of our historian, who supposes it to have been in the reign of Ardyis, See chap. xv. of this Book and chap. xii. of Book IV. For my own part, I am of opinion that the two authors speak of two distinct incursions. Herodotus refers to the last. At the time of the first there were no Greek cities in Asia Minor; and it was his intention to intimate, that the last had no operation injurious to the liberties of Greece.-Larcher.

Many learned men are of opinion, that the Cimmerians were the descendants of the scripture Gomer. The reasons alleged are of this nature. In the genealogical table of Moses, we are told that Gomer was the son of Japhet. The Scholiasts, and those of them too which are most authentic, say, that Cimmeris was the son of Japetus. Japetus is by Apollodorus said to be the son of Colum and Terra, that is of Noah, who was called Vir Terræ. On Cimmerian darkness, see book iv. c 1. n. The Greek Kuges, means a mist or darkness, and Cimmerius, the Latin derivative, is applied to any thing dark or black. Strabo says that the soil of their country was black, from excessive heat; but this could not be peculiar to the country of the Cimmerians, it was probably common to other lands affected by the same cause.-T.

time of Croesus; but their sole object was plunder, and none of the cities were molested.

beyond the common limits of affection, and conceived, in the ardour of his passion, that her beauty was beyond all competition. Among those who attended near his person, Gyges the son of Dascylus had rendered him essential service, and was honoured by his particular confidence. To him he frequently extolled the beauty of his wife in exaggerated terms. Under the influence of a most fatal delusion, he took an opportunity of thus addressing him: “Gyges, I am satisfied, that we receive less conviction from what we hear, than from what we see ", and as you do not seem to credit all I tell you of my wife's personal accomplishments, 1 am determined that you shall see her naked." "Suffer me," replied Gyges, "to remonstrate against the imprudence of your proposal. Remember, Sir, that with her clothes a woman

VII. The family of Croesus were termed the Mermnada; and it may be proper to relate by what means the empire descended to them from the Heraclidæ. Candaules, whom the Greeks call Myrsilus, was king of Sardis, and of the family of Alcæus the son of Hercules '. The first of the Heraclidae was Agron who reigned also at Sardis: he was the son of Ninus, the grandson of Belus, the great-grandson of Alcæus. Candaules the son of Myrsus was the last of this race. The people of this district were in ancient times called Meonians; they were afterwards named Lydians from Lydus the son of Atys. From him, before the time of Agron, the princes of the country derived their origin. The Heraclidæ, descended from Hercules and a female slave of Jardanus3, enjoyed a delegated authority from these princes, and afterwards obtained the supreme digLombards should be associated to the enterprize; but no nity from the declaration of an oracle. They more than a promise of secrecy could be drawn from the retained their power in regular and uninter- gallant Perideus.-The mode of seduction employed by rupted succession, from father to son, to the Rosamond, betrays her shameless insensibility both to time of Candaules, a period equal to twenty-female attendants who was beloved by Peridius, and She supplied the place of one of her two ages of man, being no less than five hun- contrived some excuse for darkness and silence, till she dred and five years. could inform her companion, that he had enjoyed the

revolved the danger, as well as the guilt. He pressed, and obtained, that one of the bravest champions of the

honour and to love.

VIII. Candaules was attached to his wife queen of the Lombards, and that his own death, or the

1 Alcaus the son of Hercules]-Concerning the name of the son of Hercules by the female slave of Jardanus, Diodorus Siculus and our historian are at variance. Herodotus calls him Alcæus, Diodorus says his name was Cleoalus. But it is by no means surprising, that in matters of such remote antiquity writers should disagree. Apollodorus contradicts both Herodotus and Diodorus, and makes Cræsus not one of the Mermnada, but one of the Heraclidæ, born of Agelaus son of Hercules by Omphale. Diodorus calls the son of Hercules, by Omphale, Lacon. I presume not to decide in this controversy, but with me the authority of Herodotus has the greatest weight.-Palmerius.

2 Agron]-Thus the best manuscripts spell this name. Julius Pollux says, that Ninus son of Belus, called his son Agron because he was born in the country.-Larcher.

3 Jardanus.]-In contradiction to both Herodotus and Diodorus Siculus, Palæphatus de Incredibilibus writes Jordanus.-T.

4 Twenty-two ages of man.]-For twenty-two, Larcher reads fifteen ages.-That it ought to be so we are ready enough to believe, and his arguments on the subect are clear, ingenious, and convincing; but having no authority for this reading in any edition which we have had the opportunity of consulting, it was thought proper literally to translate the text.-T.

5 Candaules.]-The story of Rosamond, queen of the Lombards, as recited by Mr Gibbon, bears so exact a resemblance to this of Candaules, that we are unable to forego the pleasure of transcribing it,-"The queen of Italy stooped from her throne to the arms of a subject: and Helmichis, the king's armour bearer, was the secret minister of her pleasure and revenge. Against the proposal of the murder he could no longer urge the scruples of fidelity or gratitude; but Helmichis trembled when he

death of the king, must be the consequence of such treasonable adultery. In this alternative he chose rather to be the accomplice than the victim of Rosamond, whose undaunted spirit was incapable of fear or remorse."Gibbon.

6 From what we hear, than from what we see.]— Dionysius Halicarnassensis remarks on this passage, that Herodotus here, introducing a barbarian to notice, makes use of a figurative expression peculiarly appropri. ate to Barbarians; substituting the ears and the eyes for the discourse and sight of objects.

Segnius irritant animos demissa per aurem

Quam quæ sunt oculis subjecta fidelibus.-Hor. Ars Poet. 180. Polybius coincides in part with our historian, when he ad. vances, that nature having provided us with two instruments, if they may be so termed, of the senses, hearing and sight, the latter, according to Heraclitus, is the most certain, the eyes being more decisive evidence than the ears. This is in many respects true; but Theophrastus has sagaciously remarked, according to Plutarch, that of all the senses the ear is that by which the passions may be the most easily excited.-Larcher.

Our veneration for the ancients, however, must not prevent us from perceiving, that both the above remarks want solidity. The truth is, that we do not more implicitly believe our eyes than our ears, or the contrary, except in those cases which respectively demand the testimony of either organs. It should be remembered, that when any thing is related to us, our ears give no kind of testimony concerning the fact, they inform us only that such words are spoken to us: after which, if what is related be an object of sight, we wish to appeal to our eyes for proof; if an object of hearing, to our ears; if of taste, smell, or touch, to the organs formed for such decision: and this is the sole ground of preference in any case. The remark of Horace rests on a different foundation, and is very just.-T.