put a foop to the ravages and diforders which have been Spread by the impious Government of France"-his "full determination to reftore Royalty in France; to re-establish the ancient forms of Government in the United Netherlands and in the Swifs Cantons; and to maintain the integrity of the German Empire;" he has had communications, both public and private, with that Government; he has fubmitted to the degradation of fending an Ambaffador to the Republican Ufurper of France; he connives at the ufurpation of the Netherlands and of Switzerland by the French Republic; and he forms a close alliance with the Monarch who first raised the standard of Rebellion in Germany-the Rebellion of fubordinate Princes against their lawful Chief! And fo paved the way for the total diffolution of the Germanic conftitution!-Nay, more; after refolving, "not to fheath his fword before he has feen the downfall of the Monfter which threatens to crush all legal authority*—he materially affifts that Monster in the extenfion of his principles and his arms; and is, perhaps, at this moment, engaged in furthering his gigantic fyftem of univerfal devaftation, by the formation of a treaty, the main object of which will be to gratify the mutual ambition of the contracting parties, by expelling the Turks from Europe, facilitating an attack upon the British territories in the Eaft, and extending the already too much extended boundaries of the thinly peopled empire of Ruffia!-To a Prince, who has thus proved himself to be the flave of his paffions, it would be fruitlefs to urge any of those important confiderations of policy and prudence, which, to a mind acceffible to reason, and open to conviction, could not be urged in vain. The certain lofs of his commerce, and the probable deftruction of his navy, will weigh but little with a man, who, having declared that, in his efforts to refcue the continent from the fangs of France, he looked for no other reward than the happiness and tranquillity of Europe, confiders the rejection of his unfounded claim to the poffeffion of a fingle fortrefs, a fufficient reafon for involving his subjects in all the horrors of a war, (deftructive to them) which connot fail to interrupt the happiness, while it disturbs the tranquillity of Europe!

SWEDEN and DENMARK, have been led, either by the hope of gain, or the fear of chastisement, to join in the hopeful project of their Imperial ally, for enforcing an obfervance of what they are pleafed to call the rights of neutral powers ;that is, a right to fupply the enemies of this country with every implement of war, with every means of annoying us. But the real established right which this imaginary, fabricated,

* See his declaration in the Anti-Jacobin Review, Vol. IV. P. 248.

right

right is intended to deftroy ;-the right of fearching neutral fhips, in time of war, and of feizing them if they contain any articles which are deemed contraband at fuch a time-forms a part, and an eflential part, of the public law of nations, recognized in all ages, and exercifed, unless fpecifically reftrained by the operation of fome particular treaty, or unlefs the power to enforce it was wanting. These minor states have difplayed an equal want of wisdom and of prudence, in provoking the hoftility of a nation which has the means of capturing their fhips, annihilating their trade, and laying their towns in afhes, in order to please a prince who may partake of their fate, but who has not the ability to avert it.

PRUSSIA Continues to obferve a crooked line of policy, which can only be commended by thofe who confider peace, by whatever means obtained or preferved, as the fummum bonum, the ne plus ultra of human happinefs, profperity, and wifdom. It has been, and ftill is, the object of this comparitively infant Monarchy, to deftroy the power which gave her existence. The fchifm produced in the Germanic Empire, by the example and encouragement of Pruffia, is calculated and intended to promote the diffolution of that body, to curtail the power and influence of the Houfe of Auftria, in order to extend her own, and to rob it of the Imperial diadem, perhaps with a view to place it on the head of an Elector of Brandenburgh. It is their mutual hatred of the houfe of Auftria, and the conformity of their views and their plans for its humiliation, more than any caufe for difcontent which Frederick William had againft the Emperor, and which, though it might afford fome plea, for his feceffion from the coalition, could af ford no juftification for his fubfequent conduct-which has cemented the unnatural connection between the Monarchy of Pruffia and the Republic of France. The nature of those 'views, and the extent of those plans, will beft be explained by the terms which the French and their allies fhall impofe on the Auftrians at the approaching peace. But, if this infatuated Monarch (who has lately expreffed his approbation of a book*, which places the fundamental principles, the ultimate end, and the invariable object, of the Regicide Government of France, and its German co-adjutors, in a clear and moft ftriking point of view) imagine that his Republican ally will co-operate with him, in the promotion of all his defigns, and then leave him to enjoy the fuccefs of his fchemes in tranquillity and comfort, he muft have completely clofed his ears again the

* See the King of Pruffia's letter to Major Von Hamelberg, on the fubject of Profeffor Robifon's book. Anti-Jacobin Review, Vol. VII. P. 108.

admonitions

admonitions of experience and all the impreffive leffons which the events of the laft twelve years have afforded to mankind. His Majefty muft, indeed, be a most shallow and fhort-fighted politician, if he cannot fee, that by_weakening those powers which are placed between him and France, he is rendering an effential fervice to the enemy of all Governments, affording him the means of ultimately annihilating thofe powers, and fecuring to himself no other advantage than that of poftponing his own deftruction, and being referved as a laft meal, as a bonne bouche, for the voracious appetite of that Republican Monster. In fhort, it has been long fince moft truly declared, by the founders and the fupporters of the Revolution, that the co-existence of the French Republic and any Monarchical Government is impoffible.

THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

THE long contest between the rival parties in America is, at length, brought to an issue, and, as we long since predicted, the determined Jacobins have prevailed, and Jefferson has been elected President of the Congress. Burr, an intriguing lawyer, of no inconsiderable abilities, and well-fitted, by his character and principles, to be the coadjutor of Jefferson, is chosen Vice-President. In the fifth volume of our Review, P. 358, and again in Vol. VI. P. 236, our predictions, on this subject, which are now completely verified, will be found. The only difference between our former statement and the fact itself, has arisen from the subsequent proceedings of the Congress, which, by a legislative act, postponed the election of President, from the usual time in October, to the month of December, thereby affording an opportunity to the Jacobin Governor of Pennsylvania, M'Kean, to wait the event of a new election of the assemblies of that State, made under his immediate influence, which he hoped would enable him, without the aid of his threatened proclamation, to secure the return of Jefferson for the office of Prosident. He failed, however, in his calculation, respecting the Senate of Pennsylvania, which opposed manoeuvre to manoœuvre, and thereby reduced the majority of votes for Jefferson, in that State, to one; the consequence is that the whole majority of votes, throughout the United States, for the successful candidates, will be found to have been seven, whereas, if their trusty co-adjutor M'Kean, had succeeded in his notable plan, it would have amounted to no less than twenty-one, out of sixty-four!This success of the Jacobins will inevitably tend to encrease the animosity of both parties, and, in all probability, to produce a dissolution of the Federal Government. If the new President, who will enter upon his office, at the beginning of March, act in conformity with his known principles, he will immediately form a close alliance with Buonaparte-par nobile fre trum!--and, by that means, give disgust to every friend of the ex isting Constitution, and occasion a separation of the now United States. But, if he prefer the possession of power and profit to the adaptation of his practice to his principles, he will act with more

circum

may

circumspection, and studiously avoid any decisive measures which tend to the violation of treaties, and consequently to a war with this country. Much will depend upon the resolution displayed by the Senate, and still more upon the conduct of Great Britain. At all events, however, the situation of America, at this epoch, is critical and important; the crazy fabric of her constitution, the subject of her boast, and the theme of her exultation, though represented by her patriots as founded on the broadest basis, and held together by the firmest cements, now totters to its very basis; its sworn enemies, who have publickly imprecated its destruction, have prevailed in the appointment of their favourite Chiefs; and they will have little claim, indeed, to the character of Jacobins, if they do not very speedily atchieve the demolition of this fragile superstructure. Its ruin will, at least, supply one salutary lesson for the modern reformers, the framers of cheap-governments, the constitution-mongers, of the day; it will shew them the folly and the danger of departing from settled rules, fixed notions, and established principles, to indulge in metaphisical distinctions, abstract maxims, and political reveries; it will exhibit, in short, in one point of view, the guilt and the punishment of rebellion.

But far, very far, be it from us to imprecate these evils on her head. Let her forfake the low dishonest arts of cunning, diffimulation, and perfidy; let her forbear to impofe on the weakness, the ignorance, and credulity of foreigners, by holding out falfe colours to the world, and paffing herself upon mankind "for that which he is not ;" let her affume an afpect which will require no mask; let her adopt a conduct which need not fhun enquiry, nor elude investigation; let her fubftitute fincerity for artifice, and honefty for fraud; let her be upright in her dealings; just in her actions; true to her engagements; and faithful to her treaties ;"Let her do this, and Cato is ber Friend.”

we fhall rejoice in her happiness and take delight in her profperity. But if the violate her public faith and break her private contracts; if supported by British capital fhe feeks to throw off British connection; if the allure foreign fubjects from their allegiance by the falfe hope of fuperior advantages; if, while the boafts of the magnitude of her refources, the fuffer her old debts to remain unpaid, and withhold from her new creditors the intereft of their capitals*; if she fanction the publication of falfe and malicious libels on our Sovereign, and load with infult and injury a nation to whom fhe is bound by every motive of intereft, and every tie of gratitude ;if the encourage irreligion,† immorality, injuftice, and vice ;—if fhe do this, her ruin is rather "a confummation devoutly to be wifhed," than a calamity to be deplored.

* In a London paper (The Star) of the 22d of January a British holder of American stock, complains, that though he purchased the ftock in the fummer of 1798, he has not yet received a fingle dividend.

+ The new Prefident is a confirmed Atheist; and, in the hope of his patronage and protection, no doubt, a paper has just been establifhed in America, for the avowed purpose of propagating deistical principles.

THE

THE UNITED KINGDOM OF GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND.

At the opening of the century, the eyes of the whole world are fixed on a kingdom, which is the last refuge of persecuted loyalty; the last asylum of genuine liberty; the last support of religious and social order. Deprived of her allies, by the wiles of treachery, the arts of intrigue, the fluctuations of caprice, or the fortune of war; consistent in her principles; uniform in her operations; faithful to her engagements; and spotless in her character; Great Britain has hitherto supported, with resolution, the contest in which she engaged from necessity. It remains to be seen whether, at this crisis of her fate, she will preserve the high ground on which she now stands, vindicate the claims of her forefathers, and fulfil the hopes of the uncorrupted part of Europe. On her it depends, whether the schemes of the French Revolutionists shall be finally accomplished; or whether the sanguinary Republic shall, at length, be stopped in her destructive career, and, if not overthrown, at least, have a curb on her ambition, and a rival in her power. That the Cossican Rebel, who has usurped the blood-stained throne of the Bourbons, has the most inveterate animosity against this country; that he hates Britons, collectively and individually; and would make every sacrifice to ensure their destruction, is a fact too notorious to admit of disputation or doubt. His hatred is honourable to the national character; it results from our manly exposure of his infamy; and from our determined opposition to his schemes. May we persist in deserving it.

The exertions already begun in our navy justify the belief, that our ministers are firmly resolved to strain every nerve in support of the dignity, honour, and independence of the nation; and in resistance of those insolent and arbitrary pretensions which the Northern powers have presumed to advance. At such a time as this, our language should bear the tone, our conduct the marks, of decision; all weak and half-measures, all temporising policy, should be studiously avoided; the vigour of our operations should correspond with the justice of our claims. Experience will justify the assertion of genuine patriotism, not the vain boast of presumption, but the honest language of truth, that, united among ourselves, we are fully able to brave the world in arms. At no period of our history was our naval force so formidable; were our officers more distinguished for knowledge, intrepidity, and skill. By a judicious employment of that force, we may act offensively against all our enemies; we may reduce their colonies, destroy their commerce, and either keep their fleets inactive in their ports, or defeat them if they dare to risk an action. We should bombard their towns, levy contributions on their borders, and keep up a constant alarm on their coasts. By such active and vigorous conduct we may possibly revive the drooping spirits of Europe; one good effect we shall, at least, produce; by depriving the French of all commercial resources, we shall reduce them to the necessity, either of acceding to fair and honourable terms of peace, or of seeking for the means of subsisting their numerous armies, (which they will not dare to disband) in the renewed plunder and desolation of neutral and friendly states.

In

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