These sham plots having had the desired effect; and the Convocation having revised the prayer book, and having made it more

ment, Chap. viii. pp. 177, 180. “Captain Yarrington (a man of an established reputation) did in 1681 publish a full discovery of the first Presbyterian sham plot. In which discovery he declares he related nothing but what he could prove by letters, and many living witnesses; and his account was never publicly contradicted. He says, that many, both of the clergy and laity, disliking the king's declaration concerning ecclesiastical affairs, resolved to run things to the utmost height: And that some of the leading churchmen were heard to say, They would have an act so framed as would reach every Puritan in the kingdom: And that if they thought any of them would so stretch their consciences, as to be comprehended by it, they would insert yet other conditions and subscriptions, so as that they should have no benefit by it. To pave the way for it, they contrive a Presbyterian plot, which was laid in about thirty-six several counties. As to Worcestershire, he gives a like account with Mr. Baxter, only with the addition of many particulars. He says, several letters were drawn up and delivered by Sir John P—to one Rich. N— his neighbor, to convey them to one Cole of Martley, who with one Churn, brings them again to Sir John P. - from whom they came, making affidavit, That he found the packet left by a Scotch pedlar under a hedge. In this packet, when it was opened, there were found several letters, discovering a conspiracy to raise a rebellion. There were several letters to the captain; one from Mr. Baxter of Kidderminster, intimating, that he had provided a considerable body of men well armed, which should be ready against the time appointed. And another from Mr. Sparry, intimating, He had ordered him 5007. lodged in a friend's hand, &c. Upon this, the militia of the county was raised immediately, and the city of Worcester filled with them the very night after the packet was opened. The next morning the captain was seized by a troop of horse, and brought prisoner to Worcester; and so also were Mr. Sparry, Mr. Oasland, Mr. Moor, and Mr. Brian, ministers, together with some scores of others. They were all kept close prisoners for ten days; by which time the trained bands being weary, most of them were discharged paying their fees. But the captain, Mr. Sparry and the two Oaslands, were still kept close prisoners in the George Inn, the dignitaries of the cathedral taking care, when the trained bands retired, to raise sixty foot soldiers (who had double pay, and were called the clergy band) to secure these criminals. And besides the sentinels upon each of the prisoners, they had a court of guard at the town hall of Worcester." "At length Mrs. Yarrington discovering the sham intrigue, by the acknowledgment which the person employed by Sir J. P. to carry

grievous to men of puritan principles than before, by the addition. of more festivals to the Calendar and more lessons out of the apoc

the packet to Cole of Martley, made to his brother, she gives notice of it to her husband in his confinement, who immediately enters actions against those that imprisoned him. Being at last discharged, he comes up to London, aud prevailed with the lord of Bristol to acquaint the king, how his ministers imposed upon him by such sham plots, &c. Upon this the deputy-lieutenants were ordered to appear at the council board. They endeavored to clear themselves, and desired to consult those in the country. But afterwards Sir J. W. (who was one of them) arrests the captain for high treason. He was again released upon the earl of Bristol's procuring the king's privy seal: And going down into the country he prosecutes his prosecutors. But within six months, persons were suborned to swear against him, That he had spoken treasonable words against the king and government. For this he was tried at the assizes at Worcester before Judge Twisden, and upon a full hearing was presently acquitted by the Jury. And one of the witnesses (whom he names) afterwards confessed he had 57. given him for being an evidence.

"This feigned plot was on foot in Oxfordshire at the same time." "There was something of a like sham plot in Leicestershire and Yorkshire. See Conformists 4th Plea for the Nonconf. pp. 30, 40. The great design aimed at by these methods, was to possess the parliament, that it was absolutely necessary to make a severe act against such a restless sort of men, who not contented with the king's pardon, were always plotting to disturb the government. And they reached their end. These plots and stirs in several counties of the land, were in October and November 1661. And on the 20th of November the king appearing in the house after an adjournment, made a speech wherein are these words. I am sorry to find that the general temper and affections of the nation are not so well composed as I hoped they would have been, after so signal blessings of God Almighty upon us all, and after so great indulgence and condescensions from me towards all interests; there are many wicked instruments still as active as ever, who labor night and day to disturb the public peace, and to make people jealous of each other: It may be worthy your care and vigilance to provide proper remedies for diseases of that kind: And if you find new diseases, you must find new remedies, &c.' When the house of commons after this speech came to their debates, up stands J. P. one of the knights for Worcestershire, and with open mouth informs them of a dangerous Presbyterian plot on foot; and that many of the chief conspirators were now in prison at Worcester. The like information was given by some members who served for Oxfordshire, Herefordshire, StaffordVOL. I. 27

rypha; the bill for an act of uniformity was introduced into the house of commons, where after several debates it passed by a majority of only six votes. The lords, after proposing several amendments which were the subject of a conference between the two houses, at last on the 8th of May 1662 concurred with the commons; and ten days afterwards the bill received the royal assent, and became one of the laws of the land.

The terms of uniformity now imposed on all the ministers were: 1. Such as had not been ordained by a bishop must be reordained. 2. They must all declare their "unfeigned assent and consent to all and every thing prescribed and contained in the book of common prayer." 3. They must swear obedience to their bishops and other ecclesiastical superiors. 4. They must most solemnly abjure and condemn the solemn league and covenant, as an oath unlawful in itself and unlawfully imposed. 5. They must profess in its broadest extent the doctrine of passive obedience, declaring the unlawfulness of taking arms against the king or those cominissioned by him, upon any pretence whatever.

"When the Act of Uniformity was passed," says Baxter, "it gave no longer time than till Bartholomew's day, August 24, 1662, and then they must be all cast out. This fatal day called to remembrance the French massacre, when on the same day thirty or forty thousand Protestants perished by Roman religious zeal and charity. I had no place of my own; but I preached twice a week, by request, in other men's congregations, at Milk Street and Blackfriars. The last sermon that I preached in public was on May 25. The reasons why I gave over sooner than most others were, because lawyers did interpret a doubtful clause in the act, as ending the liberty of lecturers at that time; because I would let authority soon know that I intended to obey in all that

shire, and other places. Nay this was the general cry; this all the pamphlets printed at that time ran upon. And it was in this very sessions that this bill of uniformity passed the house. And that the general cry occasioned by these sham plots much promoted it, will easily be judged by any one, that will but be at the pains to peruse Yarrington's Narrative, to which the reader is referred for satisfaction."

was lawful; because I would let all ministers in England understand in time, whether I intended to conform or not: for, had I staid to the last day, some would have conformed the sooner, from a supposition that I intended it. These, with other reasons, moved me to cease three months before Bartholomew's day, which many censured for awhile, but, afterwards, better saw the reasons of it."*

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By this measure about two thousand ministers, most of them well qualified for their office and devoted and successful in their work, were at once cast out of their places and forbidden to preach the gospel. When the popish clergy were ejected at the reformation, some provision was made for their relief; and so it was with the ministers deprived by the Long Parliament and afterwards by Cromwell at both those periods, one-fifth of the income of the living was uniformly reserved for the benefit of the person ejected. But in this case, these two thousand ministers were turned out at once upon the world without the least means of subsistence, and forbidden even to keep "any public or private school," or to "in struct youth in any private family." "And now," says Baxter, came in the great inundation of calamities, which in many streams, overwhelmed thousands of godly Christians together with their pastors. As for example; 1. Hundreds of able ministers with their wives and children had neither house nor bread; for many of them had not past thirty or forty pounds per annum apiece, and most but sixty or eighty pounds per annum, and few had any considerable estates of their own. 2. The people's poverty was so great, that they were not able much to relieve their ministers. 3. The jealousy of the state and the malice of their enemies were so great, that people that were willing durst not be known to give to their ejected pastors, lest it should be said that they maintained schism, or were making collections for some plot or insurrection. 4. The hearts of the people were much grieved for the loss of their pastors. 5. Many places had such set over them in their steads, as they could not with conscience or comfort commit the conduct of their souls to and they were forced to own all these, &c." " by

*Narrative, Part II. p. 38.

receiving the sacrament in the several parishes whether they would or not. 6. Those that did not this were to be excommunicated, and then to have a writ sued out against them de excommunicato capiendo, to lay them in the jail, and seize on their estates." He lengthens out this catalogue of evils by enumerating the many divisions among ministers and among Christians which the great controversy of the time occasioned, the murmuring and complaining of the people against the government; and he concludes with the remark that "by all these sins, these murmurings, and these violations of the interest of the church and the cause of Christ, the land was prepared for that further inundation of calamities, by war and plague, and scarcity, which hath since brought it near to desolation."

Till this time Baxter had lived unmarried. But soon after the Bartholomew ejection, when in his forty-seventh year, he married a lady of good family much younger than himself, whose affection and assiduity did much to alleviate the distresses that were now to follow him. Her name was Margaret Charlton. She had been one of his flock during some part of his ministry at Kidderminster, and under his preaching became eminently pious. The attachment between them seems to have commenced some time before, though when they were married she was not more than twentythree years of age. Nearly a year before the event actually took place, he says, "About this time, it was famed at the court that I was married, which went as the matter of a most heinous crime, which I never heard charged by them on any man but me. Bishop Morley divulged it with all the odium he could possibly put upon it;"" and it every where rung about, partly as a wonder and partly as a crime." "And I think the king's marriage was scarce

more talked of than mine."*

He was at last married, Sept. 10, 1662. "She consented," he says, "to these conditions of our marriage: First, that I should have nothing that before our marriage was hers; that I who wanted no earthly supplies might not seem to marry her for covetousness. Secondly, that she would so alter her affairs that I might be

* Narrative, Part II. p. 334