side his mildest epithet for the Pope was to call him Antichrist. But we need not wonder too much at that when we observe the abuse which Luther's own friends had to endure from him. The least check sent him into a fury. Writing to Spalatin from the Wartburg at a time when he was plainly maniacal, he defied anyone to keep him from assailing in a pamphlet the Archbishop of Mainz, asserting that "I would sooner destroy yourself, the Elector, and every created being."

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The letter that Erasmus sent to Adrian explaining his plan of settling the Lutheran difficulty is rather unsatisfactory in that the missive is unfinished, stopping just at the point where he is unfolding the plan, and making us feel doubtful as to whether it was ever sent. But such as it is we will give it in synopsis. He tells the Pope that he is writing hurriedly in order to make use of an unexpected courier, that he would prefer to speak with him personally rather than to write but that his ancient enemy the gravel kept him from going to Rome, that he could not abide the German stoves, the German inns, nor the sour wines. Then he begins to give his reasons why it should not be expected of him to write against Luther. He says:

No one shall read this epistle but ourselves; if there be anything of use in it, employ it; if not, consider that it has never been written.

Would that I possessed the ability which you attribute to me, that I might put an end to this dissension; for I would not hesitate to heal these public evils even at the cost of my own life. In the first place, there are many who wield a more facile pen than myself, and this affair is not to be settled by writing. My learning is far beneath mediocrity, and what I may have is derived from the ancient writers and is fitter for the pulpit than for the arena. As for my power to influence, of what avail would be the authority of such an humble individual as myself? Could Erasmus influence those whom so many universities, so many monarchs, and even the Sovereign Pontiff himself have failed to move? If I ever enjoyed their personal regard, it has either grown so cold now that it no longer exists, or it has entirely perished, or, finally, it has been changed to hatred. I, who was formerly described in a myriad of letters as "the thrice-greatest hero," "the king of letters," "the star of Germany," "the sun of learning," "the mainstay of literature," "the champion of a more genuine theology," am now passed over in silence, or depicted in far different colors.

I care nothing for such empty titles, which were only a burden to me; but see the epithets they launch at my head, the vicious pamphlets with which they attack me, and the threats they hold out against me! There were not lacking some who threatened me with death if I stirred."

DeWette, op. cit., Vol. II, p. 346. (We cannot quite accept Bayne's effort to soften the force of perdam as he does in his Martin Luther, His Life and Work, Vol. II, p. 193.)

Eras. Ep. 1352, 11. 23-41.

Then he goes on in his usual way to say that he is blamed by the one side for writing against Luther, and by the other side because he will not consent to write against him. Then he tells the Pope how many of his friends he would lose by writing against Luther, and that he would almost die rather than part with them. Then he plucks up resolution, and says that he will give them up rather than appear seditious. He reminds the Pontiff of the tremendous impetus he could give the cause of Luther were he to decide to cast in his lot with him, but adds with a rhetorical flourish that he will not touch upon that point. He goes on to relate what he has already done against Luther, that he has not allowed the latter's friends even to use his name, that he has publicly and privately exhorted everyone not to follow Luther, and yet what was his reward? Only to be lacerated by both sides. And so he goes on for many paragraphs, until we begin anxiously to look for the promised plan. The Pope has invited him to Rome, but can a crab fly?

"Give me wings," says the crab. So I say, "Give me back my youth, my good health." Would that such an excuse as this had less foundation! It would be tedious to enumerate the reasons which persuaded me to stay until now at Basle; but at the same time I dare swear that, if I perceived anything more useful to the Church of Christ [than this course of mine], I would do it at the risk of my life..

Permit, I entreat you again and again, one of your flock to speak to his shepherd somewhat freely. Why should I go to Rome, even though my health allowed it? I should be away from all association with the Lutherans? But I am especially that already, for I have nothing at all to do with them, and consequently there is no danger to be feared from that quarter as far as my soul is concerned. Now, as far as recalling them from their errors is involved, I can do that better near at hand than far away, for of what use is the doctor to his sick ones if he betakes himself far off? *

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At this point he began to see that his letter was going to be of scant comfort to Pope Adrian, filled up as it was by his intense and overpowering ego. So he tries again to rise to the importance of the occasion:

You will say, "So far I hear nothing but complaints; I am waiting to hear your plan." Now what I had said is a part of my plan; however, I will come to that now. I observe it to be favored by many that this evil should be remedied by severity, but I fear that the event may hereafter prove this to have been an unwise counsel. I see a greater chance than I could wish that the matter may end in an atrocious slaughter. I am not now discussing what these people deserve, but what will further the interests of public tranquillity. The malady has spread too deeply to be cured either by knife or cautery. I admit that formerly among the English the faction of Wickliffe was thus stifled by the power of the kings, but that sect was really stifled rather than eradicated. And yet I know * Idem., 11. 121-37.

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not whether what was feasible in that kingdom, which was under the sway of one king, would be possible in so vast an empire as ours, cut up as it is into so many kingdoms. It is evident that there will be no need of my advice should there be a decision to overcome the evil by imprisonment, scourgings, confiscation, exiles, rigorous penalties, and death. However, I perceive that a different line of treatment is most pleasing to your gentle nature, that you would rather cure than punish. This would not be very difficult if all were of the same mind as yourself, and, laying aside their private inclinations, would, as you write, sincerely seek the glory of Christ and the salvation of Christians. But if each one is intent on his own private profit, if theologians insist that their authority bolstered up on every side shall be supported, if the monks allow nothing to be taken away from their privileges, if the kings cling to their rights with tenacity, it will be most difficult to act for the benefit of everybody.

Our first duty will be to find out the sources whence this evil revives so often, and before all to apply the remedy to those. Then it will be very useful if pardon is again extended to those who have erred by the persuasion or by the urging of others; or rather a sort of amnesty for all their former misdeeds which seem to have occurred by some fatality. If God deals thus with us day after day, forgetting our offenses as often as the sinner is sincerely sorry, why should not the Vicar of God do the same? And yet, meanwhile, many innovations are repressed by rulers and magistrates which are little aids to piety, but great helps to sedition. I could wish, if it were possible, that the privilege of publishing pamphlets were limited to some extent. Let there also be given to the world the hope of having certain things remedied of which it justly complains. At the sweet name of liberty all will breathe again. We must aim at this in every possible way as far as it can be done without damage to religion; and we must aim at relieving the consciences of men as far as that is consonant with the dignity of princes and bishops. But this dignity must be estimated by those things in which their dignity truly consists, just as the liberty of the people is to be estimated.

Your Holiness will say, "What are those sources, or what are the things which should be remedied?" For the consideration of these matters I think there ought to be invited from every country men whose characters are beyond suspicion, grave, gentle, kindly, and of quiet disposition, whose judgment

Here the letter breaks off abruptly, and we are left to conjecture how these grave, kind, gentle scholars of quiet disposition were going to enforce their judgment after they had arrived at it. Erasmus tells us, in another epistle, about sending this fragmentary document to the Pope, but that it did not meet favor in his eyes. And no wonder. The Pope had asked him for bread and he had given him a stone. He had sought Idem., 1. 147 ad fin. 10 "Misi partem, sed displicuit."

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to enlist that wonderful pen in behalf of the Church, and Erasmus had taken refuge behind the miserable subterfuge, which he himself was far from believing, that others wielded a readier pen, that he was a very obscure and humble individual, and that his learning was beneath mediocrity. The rest of the letter was filled with his usual egotism, for that was at the bottom of his eternal complaining, and this is nowhere more evident than in his ingenious request to have the Pontiff call off the pamphleteers who were constantly on the great but irritable writer's trail. Then, after an appeal to Adrian not to be cruel, a thing which was as far from that Pontiff's intention as it was from Erasmus', he begins to suggest a commission of grave men, which was simply another way of calling for a general council of the Church. It would be hard to say whether the sincere and earnest Adrian was more disappointed at the inanity of the plan proposed or disgusted at the pusillanimity of Erasmus: for it is very evident from all this that, although Erasmus had definitely ceased from sympathizing with Luther, he had resolved not to incur the hostility of the Lutheran party by writing against him.

CHAPTER XIV

CONTINUED ATTEMPTS TO JUSTIFY POSITION: QUARREL WITH HUTTEN

But retribution was awaiting him in the person of Ulrich von Hutten, who inflicted a terrible punishment on his peace of mind in return for his puerile policy of blowing now hot and now cold. As preliminary to this we shall give part of a long letter written by Erasmus to Marcus Laurinus, Dean of the College of St. Donatianus at Bruges, whose acquaintance he had made during an investigation of the college library, where he had been fortunate enough to find many manuscripts of the Gospels. After going through the constant and ever-repeated list of his grievances against his so-called calumniators at Louvain, and giving for his leaving that University a reason which the event proved to be untrue, he goes on to tell Laurinus of the strenuous efforts which the Lutherans are making to win him to their side. Since we have already rehearsed this point, we may pass over to his effort to show Laurinus that he is a staunch anti-Lutheran. He writes:

Again, there are among those who favor Luther some who gnash their teeth and are furious because out of timidity of mind, as they put it, I am deserting the evangelical cause, and not only deserting it, but also attempting to strengthen that of the Popes, or, as they say, the papist cause. Now I have often enough already answered others on this point, but I will very willingly discuss the subject with any Lutheran whatsoever, provided he have a regard for justice; and I opine that I shall be able to prove my case from the points which he shall grant me. For firstly I shall ask him what he thinks of Luther. Undoubtedly he will declare him to be a holy and evangelical man, and a restorer of Christian piety. Then I shall ask him whether those who are devoted to him resemble him in this. Without doubt he will assert that to be so. Then I shall ask him whether it be in accord with the Gospel to drag anyone into their sect by force and artifice, especially when they know that the profession of such a belief as theirs is no less dangerous than was the profession of a Christian in the early days. It was the practice of the Jews to scour land and sea in order to entrap one proselyte into the net of the law. The Apostles attracted none by human artifices, and concealed the identity of those who had professed the name of Christ until the moment of acknowledging their faith was at hand.

I could say the same thing if the profession of the Lutheran faction were only a profession of evangelical belief, and if anyone could make that profession secretly amongst them at any time. Now