which it is not difficult to account for the failure, without attaching blame to either party. The views of these two distinguished individuals differed, not, indeed, in any essential points, but on various subordinate matters affecting systematic union and cooperation. They differed also in their dispositions and anticipations. Owen was calin, dignified, and firm, but respectful and courteous. Baxter was sharp and cutting in his reproofs, sanguine in his expectations of success; and, confident of his own guileless simplicity, disposed to push matters further than the circumstances of the times admitted. Though not superior in the substantial attainments of the Christian character, the deportment of Owen was bland and conciliating, compared with that of Baxter. Hence, Owen frequently made friends of enemies, while Baxter often made enemies of friends. The one expected to unite all hearts, by attacking all understandings; the other trusted more to the gradual operation of Christian feeling, by which alone he believed that extended unity would finally be effected. The issue has proved that, in this case, Owen had made the wiser calculation.

CHAPTER X. 1670-1676.

Conventicle Act renewed-Lord Lauderdale-Fears of the Bishops about the increase of Popery-Bishop Ward-Grove-Serjeant Fountain-Judge Vaughan-The King connives at the Toleration of the Nonconformists-Shuts up the Exchequer-The Dispensing Declaration-License applied for on Baxter's behalf-Pinner's Hall Lecture-Baxter Preaches at different Places-The King's Declaration voted illegal by Parliament-The Test ActBaxter desired by the Earl of Orrery to draw up new Terms of Agreement-Healing Measure proposed in the House of Commons, which fails-Conduct of some of the Conformists-Baxter's Afflictions-Preaches at St. James's Market House-Licenses recalled -Baxter employs an Assistant-Apprehended by a Warrant-Escapes being imprisoned -Another Scheme of Comprehension-Informers-City Magistrates-Parliament falls on Lauderdale and others-The Bishops' Test Act-Baxter's Goods distrained-Varions Ministerial Labors and Sufferings-Controversy with Penn-Baxter's Danger-His Writings during this period.

In the year 1670, the act against conventicles was renewed, and made more severe than ever, several new clauses being inserted, which Baxter believed to have a particular reference to his own case. It was declared, for instance, contrary to all justice, that the faults of the mittimus should not vitiate it, and that all doubtful clauses should be interpreted in the sense most unfavorable to conventicles. It seemed as if the intention of the court had been to extirpate the Nonconformists root and branch; for the act was enforced with the utmost rigor against the most respectable persons among them. The meetings in London were

(f) Sheldon again addressed the bishops of the province of Canterbury, urging them to promote, by every means in their power "so blessed a work as the preventing and suppressing of conventicles," which the king and parliament, "out of their

continually disturbed by bands of soldiers. Dr. Manton, though his friends were numerous and powerful, was sent six months to the Gate-house prison for preaching in his own house, in the parish of which he had formerly been minister.

While Baxter remained quiet at Totteridge, he was sent for to Barnet, by the Earl of Lauderdale, who was then proceeding to Scotland with a project of making some alterations in the state of ecclesiastical affairs in that country. By the king's permission, he consulted Baxter, and offered him, if he would go to Scotland, a church or a bishopric, or the management of some of the colleges. Baxter was not to be taken in such a trap, for such in all probability it was; as Lauderdale no sooner went into Scotland, than he became one of the greatest persecutors of the Presbyterian church. In answer to his requests and offers, Baxter, on the 24th of June, 1670, wrote him the following admirable letter, which illustrates his character as a minister, his courtesy as a gentleman, and supplies some particulars respecting his family.

"My Lord,

"Being deeply sensible of your lordship's favors, and especially for your liberal offers for my entertainment in Scotland, I humbly return you my very hearty thanks; but the following considerations forbid me to entertain any hopes, or further thoughts of such a removal:

"The experience of my great weakness and decay of strength, and particularly of this last winter's pain, and how much worse I am in winter than in summer, fully persuade me that I should live but a little while in Scotland, and that in a disabled, useless condition, rather keeping my bed than the pulpit.

"I am engaged in writing a book, which, if I could hope to live to finish, is almost all the service I expect to do God and his church more in the world-a Latin Methodus Theologiæ. Indeed I can hardly hope to live so long, as it requires yet nearly a year's labor more. Now, if I should spend that half year, or year, which should finish this work, in travel, and the trouble of such a removal, and then leave it undone, it would disappoint me of the ends of my life. I live only for work, and therefore should remove only for work, and not for wealth and honors, if ever I remove.

"If I were there, all that I could hope for, were liberty to preach the Gospel of salvation, and especially in some university among young scholars. But I hear that you have enough already for this work, who are likely to do it better than I can.

pious care for the welfare of the church and kingdom," had endeavored to accomplish in the late act.-Calamy's Abridgment, i. 328-331. Harris also, in his 'Life of Charles II.,' has given the letter entire, vol. ii. pp. 106, 107. Bishop Wilkins opposed the above act in the House of Lords, notwithstanding the king's request that be would at least be silent.

"I have a family, and in it a mother-in-law of eighty years of age, of honorable extract and great worth, whom I must not neglect, and who cannot travel. To such an one as I, it is so great a business to remove a family, with all our goods and books so far, that it deterreth me from thinking of it, especially having paid so dear for removals these eight years as I have done; and being but yesterday settled in a house which I have newly taken, and that with great trouble and loss of time. And if I should find Scotland disagree with me, which I fully conclude it would, I must remove all back again.

"All these things concur to deprive me of the benefit of your lordship's favor. But, my Lord, there are other parts of it, which I am not altogether hopeless of receiving. When I am commanded 'to pray for kings and all in authority,' I am allowed the ambition of this preferment, which is all that ever I aspired after, 'to live a quiet and peaceable life, in all godliness and honesty. Diu nimis habitavit anima mea inter osores pacis.

"I am weary of the noise of contentious revilers, and have oft had thoughts to go into a foreign land, if I could find where I might have healthful air and quietness, but to live and die in peace. When I sit in a corner, and meddle with nobody, and hope the world will forget that I am alive, court, city, and country, are still filled with clamors against me. When a preacher wanteth preferment, his way is to preach or write a book against the Nonconformists, and me by name; so that the menstrua of the press, and the pulpits of some, are bloody invectives against myself, as if my peace were inconsistent with the kingdom's happiness. Never did my eyes read such impudent untruths, in matter of fact, as such writings contain. They cry out for answers and reasons of my nonconformity, while they know the law forbiddeth me to answer them unlicensed. I expect not that any favor or justice of my superiors should cure this, but if I might but be heard speak for myself before I be judged by them, and such things believed (for, to contemn the judgment of my rulers, is to dishonor them,) I would request that I might be allowed to live quietly to follow my private studies, and might once again have the use of my books, which I have not seen these ten years. I pay for a room for their standing in at Kidderminster, where they are eaten by worms and rats; having no sufficient security for my quiet abode in any place to encourage me to send for them. I would also ask that I might have the liberty every beggar hath, to travel from town to town. I mean but to London, to oversee the press, when any thing of mine is licensed for it. If I be sent to Newgate for preaching Christ's Gospel (for I dare not sacrilegiously renounce my calling, to which I am consecrated per sacramentum ordinis,) I would re

quest the favor of a better prison, where I may but walk and write. These I should take as very great favors, and acknowledge your lordship my benefactor if you procure them: for I will not so much injure you as to desire, or my reason as to expect, any great matters; no, not the benefit of the law.

"I think I broke no law, in any of the preachings of which I am accused. I most confidently think, that no law imposeth on me the Oxford oath, any more than on any conformable minister; and I am past doubting the present mittimus for my imprisonment is quite without law. But if the justices think otherwise now, or at any time, I know no remedy. I have a license to preach publicly in London diocese, under the archbishop's own hand and seal, which is yet valid for occasional sermons, though not for lectures or cures; but I dare not use it, because it is in the bishop's power to recal it. Would but the bishop, who, one should think, would not be against the preaching of the Gospel, not recal my license, I could preach occasional sermons, which would absolve my conscience from all obligation to private preaching. For it is not maintenance that I expect. I never received a farthing for my preaching, to my knowledge, since May 1st, 1662. I thank God that I have food and raiment, without being chargeable to any man, which is all that I desire, had I but leave to preach for nothing; and that only where there is a notorious necessity. I humbly crave your lordship's pardon for the tediousness of this letter; and again return you my very great thanks for your great favors, and remain," &c.5

This touching letter was followed by another to the same nobleman, in which Baxter offers some observations on the divided state of the country, and makes a proposal, that moderate divines should be appointed to meet and debate matters, in order to some plan of concord, which might afterwards receive his majesty's approbation. It is surprising, after all that had occurred, he should have had any faith in the utility or success of such a scheme. It does not appear, however, that any attention was paid to it; but after Lauderdale had gone to Scotland, Sir Robert Murray, a confidential friend of his lordship, sent Baxter a frame or body of discipline for the church of Scotland, on which he desired his animadversions. It appears to have been a modified system of episcopacy, which it was the great object of the court then to force upon the people of Scotland. Resistance to it brought on that country the most horrible persecution a Protestant people was ever exposed to from its own Protestant government; and has made the name and form of episcopacy an execration in Scotland to the

present time. Baxter's remarks extended not to the principles of the system, but to details, into which it is quite unnecessary

to enter.

The Earl of Lauderdale, with whom this correspondence was held, was a very extraordinary character. He had originally been a decided Covenanter; and, indeed, remained a professed Presbyterian to the last. He was actuated by mean and arbitrary principles, fawning to those above him, but imperious and violent to all below. A man of learning, being well acquainted with Latin, Greek, and Hebrew; and possessed of a strong but blundering mind. Devoted to the interests of Charles II., though he continued to hate even the memory of his royal father. In Scotland he acted like a demon; and by the fury of his behavior, increased the severity of his administration, which had more of the cruelty of the inquisition, than the legality of justice. Yet this man would talk about religion, and was spoken to and of as a religious character, by bishop Burnet, Baxter, and other religious men of the day. I shall have occasion to refer to the intimacy between Lauderdale and Baxter, in another part of this work.

"In the latter end of this year, the bishops and their agents gave out their fears of Popery, and greatly lamented that the Duchess of York was turned Papist. They thereupon professed a strong desire that some of the Presbyterians, as they called even the episcopal Nonconformists, might, by some abatement of the new oaths and subscriptions, have better invitation to conform in other things. Bishop Morley, Bishop Ward, and Bishop Dolben, spake ordinarily their desires of it; but after long talk, nothing was done, which made men variously interpret their pretensions. Some thought that they were real in their desires, and that the hindrance was from the court; while others said they would never have been the grand causes of our present situation, if it had been against their wills; that if they had been truly willing for any healing, they would have shown it by more than their discourses; and that all this was but that the odium might be diverted from themselves. I hope they are not so bad as this censure doth suppose. But it is strange that those same men, who so easily led the parliament to what was done, when they had given the king thanks for his declaration about ecclesiastical affairs, could do nothing to bring

(f) Burnet's 'Own Times,' vol. 1. pp. 142-144.

(g) The Duchess of York, daughter of Clarendon, embraced the same creed as her husband, and, as he tells us, without knowledge of his sentiments, but one year before her death, in 1670. She left a paper at her decease, containing the reasons for her change. See it in Kennet, p. 320. It is plain that she, as well as the duke, had been influenced by the Romanizing tendency of some Anglican divines.-Hallam, vol. ii. p. 515. So much for the effects of the writings of Hooker and Heylin, and of the conduct of Morley and Sheldon.

(h) Afterwards archbishop of York.