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parochial Boards, by the inspectors of the at with regard to the Bill which my hon. poor, by the sheriffs, the clergy, the and learned Friend will propose to the justices of the peace, and the Commis- House. I trust the disgrace that now atsioners of Supply. One great defect, in- taches to Scotland in this matter will be deed, in the existing law is the imperfect thereby removed, and that this and the responsibility thrown upon these persons, other House of Parliament will cordially no one being called on to take on himself co-operate with the Government in the the undivided responsibility that is neces- adoption of those measures that are necessary to the due performance of duties of sary for the relief and protection of the this kind. I have also to state, that my unfortunate class of persons referred to in hon. and learned Friend the Lord Advo- this Report. cate has addressed a letter to the Sheriffs MR. DRUMMOND said, that he recolof counties, sending them a copy of the lected the measure to which the right hon. Report, and calling their attention to the Baronet had referred. It was from knowalleged cases of neglect of duty on the part ing something of that darker shade which, of sheriffs in the exercise of the visitorial as the Commissioner stated, remained bepowers given to them by law, and asking hind, that, when Lord Rutherfurd was in such cases for any explanation they may Lord Advocate, he (Mr. Drummond) enhave to offer. When these explanations deavoured to get some returns that would are given, my hon. and learned Friend give information to the House on this will know what course it will be proper to question. Everybody who knew Lord Rutake regarding that part of the subject. therfurd would say that a more humane With regard to individual cases of gross man never existed, and accordingly he cruelty, or illegal proceedings, I may ob- obtained from him every assistance in his serve that these particular cases are now power to procure the returns which he under the consideration of the Lord Advo- desired; but all his efforts were fruitless. cate. Time is, however, required, in order Both he and the Lord Advocate were to do full justice in these cases, and I beaten by the systematic opposition of hope the House will bear in mind that only every single person who was connected a fortnight has elapsed since a printed with the administration of the system in copy of the Report was put into my hands. Scotland. They would not give the reI trust it will be the opinion of the House, turns sought for. And he recollected the that the Government have lost no time in Lord Advocate taking him behind the taking those measures that were thought chair on one occasion and showing him necessary to correct what may be amiss some most defective and imperfect returns in the administration of the present law. which had been made, and saying to him, With regard to the steps hereafter to be" There is nothing for it but to abuse me taken, I may observe that we intend to and the Government. ask Parliament for leave to introduce a Bill calculated to remove those defects in the law that are proved to exist by the statements made in this Report. This is not the first time that a measure on this subject will have been laid before Parliament. The late Lord Rutherfurd, when Lord Advocate, brought in a Bill which, if passed, would, I believe, have remedied all the evils now complained of. That Bill was read a second time with the warm approbation of many Scotch Members on both sides of the House, and was by common consent referred to a Select Committee; but the opposition mised to it in Scotland on the miserable ground of the expense it would incur proved fatal to the measure, and the Lord Advocate found himself unable to carry it. It is deeply to be lamented that he was not able successfully to persevere with that measure; but I trust that a different result will be arrived

Accordingly he

agreed to do so, and did it; when the Lord Advocate stated in the House that all he had said was perfectly true; but it would not do. He was unable to procure the returns, and the ground of the opposition was the dread of the dirty expense which might be incurred. From one to the other it appeared that the object of care in Scotland was property, not persons. The way in which they treated the poor in Scotland was perfectly scandalous, and in nothing did the system appear so bad as in the treatment of pauper lunatics, the rich lunatics being sufficiently well taken care of. On reading the Report one could not help being struck, in the first place, with the neglect of duty by the Sheriffs, and, in the next, with the total neglect of duty exhibited by all the magistrates. How was it that throughout the whole of Scotland there was not one clergyman who could find time to visit these poor crea

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share of the blame that attached to the House in reference to these Scotch asylums. In a Report issued by a Committee as long ago as the year 1844, it was recommended that more stringent provisions should be introduced into the law, but they

tures? True, there was one, but when he | As one of the Members for Scotland in went to the asylum he was refused admit- the last Parliament, he must take his tance; and why? Because he was a Papist. The poor law, as managed by the Board of Supervision, had been well defined to be a law for depriving the poor of their just rights. Three cases which he had taken at hazard well illustrated this. The relief amounted to something had not been attended to. Much evil like mockery:-A woman of sixty-four years of age, who had lost the use of her right arm, who had asthma and a cough, was allowed 2s. a month; one of which was deducted for some purpose or other. Another case was that of a poor woman, deserted by her husband, with three children under seven years of age. He did not know what they allowed her, but she lived all day on a turnip, which one of the children stole out of a garden. To an Irishman, a Roman Catholic, with an asthma and an ulcerated leg, they gave nominally 4s. a week, but the inspector kept back 3s. of it for rent. All these cases were brought before the Board of Supervision, but it refused to interfere until some person, with whom he was well acquainted, but whose name he would not mention, insisted upon having a row made about them. Now, that this Report was fresh in everybody's mind, was the time for doing something to remedy these evils; but he warned the Lord Advocate that unless he exerted himself to the utmost he would meet with the same discomfiture as Lord Rutherfurd.

MR. F. DUNDAS said, that he thanked the hon. Member for the forcible appeal he had made to the House, but in reference to a case mentioned by Mr. Ellice, he had a letter from Professor Aytoun, the Sheriff of the county in question, who assured him that, after instituting an inquiry, he was satisfied that the woman was labouring under a delusion. Still he (Mr. Dundas) was afraid that so good an answer could not be made to all the charges which had been brought forward; and he was glad, therefore, that an investigation had taken place which was likely to put an end to so serious and so grave an evil.

SIR EDWARD COLEBROOKE said, that there were others who had a greater share of responsibility than those who had the execution of the law as regarded these asylums. He did not so much allude to the Sheriffs as he did to the Imperial Parliament, to whose neglect in not having taken measures at an earlier period most of the existing evils must be attributed.

arose from the divided responsibility under the present system, and he was of opinion that a proper Central Board, provided with sufficient power, would tend to remedy the existing state of things most effectually. When the late Lord Rutherfurd endeavoured to remedy the law by the introduction of a Bill, the Bill was received with a profusion of compliments, but after its introduction they heard nothing more of it. The Home Secretary was quite correct in attributing the opposition which Lord Rutherfurd's Bill had met with to motives of economy; and a very mistaken economy it was, for it was a well-known fact that patients afflicted with this distressing malady, who might easily have been cured at first, became incurable for want of care and attention, and that a permanent charge was thrown on the ratepayers. He trusted that the Secretary for the Home Department would see that the officials of these asylums peformed their duties with more care.

MR. KINNAIRD said, that the Scotch Members owed a debt of gratitude to his hon. Friend for the very able manner in which he had laid this disgraceful feature in the administration of the Scotch Poor Law before the House. Some hon. Members, he believed, were under a misapprehension that one of the cases of gross cruelty described by his hon. Friend had occurred in the Perth Asylum, but that was not the fact. The case in question occurred elsewhere, but the patient was afterwards brought into the Perth Asylum, and there treated with great humanity and kindness. He had always been in the habit of visiting the asylum in the town which he represented (Perth), and he was glad to find that it was not one of those which had disgraced Scotland. Great praise was due to the Home Secretary for the vigour with which he had prosecuted this matter.

COLONEL SYKES said, that a remedy should be applied to this evil at the earliest possible period, and the Lunacy Commission of England afforded an example of one which could not fail to be successful.

Up

to a recent period, the condition of Lunatics in England was quite as bad as it had been described to be in Scotland, and in consequence, Mr. Robert Gordon and some other philanthropic gentlemen procured the establishment of the Lunacy Commission. That Commission, of which he (Colonel Sykes) was an unpaid member, from 1835 to 1845, found that even in respectable licensed establishments, in which £50, £60, and £100 per annum was paid by the friends of the inmates, the patients were chained to their chairs and their beds. The Commission had put an end to the existence of these and other atrocities in England, and he had no doubt that the extension of the Commission to Scotland, or the establishment of a similar body, consisting of stipendiaries and philanthropists there, would produce similar results in that country; but he would remind the Government that, if there were any divided authority, these results would not be accomplished.

Lord had, with all his powers, failed to carry, until circumstances had brought about a change of feeling in Scotland. He endeavoured in the first place to carry the Valuation Bill, in order to place the assessment for public objects on a satisfactory footing. That Bill was passed in 1854. In the year 1855 the noble-minded lady to whom his right hon. Friend had alluded, and who, greatly to her credit, had made so many exertions on behalf of this neglected class of the population, went to Edinburgh, and visited the asylums at Musselburgh. After seeing them, she said there was something wrong, and she wished to be allowed to visit them at the dead of night, when she would not be expected. He felt a difficulty about giving a permission of that kind to a non-official person, and accordingly she applied to his right hon. Friend the Home Secretary. His right hon. Friend asked him (the Lord Advocate) his opinion upon the subject, and he at once stated that the whole system with regard to the treatment of lunacy in Scotland was utterly disgraceful, and that the evil could only be reached by a Commission of Inquiry. The result was the appointment of the Commission, to the Report of which attention had been called so ably that evening; and the facts were now so clearly proved that he believed, if he proposed the very remedy which was rejected in 1848, it would be adopted by both Houses of Parliament without any im

THE LORD ADVOCATE said, that so far from regretting the publication of this Report, or the statements made by his hon. Friend, he rejoiced at them from the bottom of his heart, because this state of things had for a long time been a disgrace and a scandal to Scotland. The people of that country had known that it was a disgrace and a scandal; and he regretted to add, that it was not the first time that statements had been made similar to those to which they had just listen-portant opposition. He would not, on this ed. An attempt had been made to remedy this state of things, but that attempt had failed. The Commissioners, in their Report, suggested certain matters as the groundwork of a remedy, and in referring to the measure introduced by his late much-lamented Friend, Lord Rutherfurd, he found that it included all these suggestions. Therefore, had that Bill been passed in the year 1848, this disgraceful state of things would have been put an end

to.

What was the fate of that measure? He found, on referring back to the Minutes of that date, that not a single petition was presented in its favour; while, on the other hand, twelve of the largest and most important counties of Scotland petitioned against it. Therefore, it was not the fault of the Government of that day that this state of things continued. He was in communication with Lord Rutherfurd upon this subject up to the day of his death, but he had not the courage to re-introduce the Bill which that learned

occasion, enter into a discussion of the merits of the Poor Law in Scotland, nor did he think it desirable to express any opinion as to the conduct of the officials, whether the Board of Supervision or the Sheriffs, and that for this simple reason, that the House had heard only one side and not the other. He would, however, assure hon. Gentlemen that all the matters in this Report which seemed to need further inquiry should receive his earnest attention.

COLONEL SYKES said, it must not be supposed that the censures in this Report were of universal application. The Aberdeen Asylum, for instance, was one of the best in Great Britain.

MR. HOPE JOHNSTONE said, he believed that public feeling in Scotland with regard to this subject had very much changed of late years. Information on the subject of lunacy was now much more complete than it was forty years ago, and the Government would find that the people

of Scotland were now quite willing to concur with them in the application of an effectual remedy to the evil complained of.

MR. FERGUS believed that it was a financial objection that had caused the opposition to Lord Rutherfurd's Bill; but he was sure there would be no such opposition to a similar measure if brought forward, now that hon. Members had had an opportunity of reading the facts detailed in the Report of the Commission. He hoped, therefore, that the Lord Advocate would bring in a Bill on the subject without further delay. Motion agreed to.

SUPPLY-ARMY ESTIMATES.

House in Committee.

Mr. FITZROY in the Chair.

money.voted by that House for the manufacture of arms, and not for the purpose of setting up a manufactory, especially a manufactory in a foreign country. He believed the Government held some security in the shape of a mortgage over buildings and land in America, but a very large amount was due to the Government; and on grounds of national policy as well as of finance, he thought the matter one that required explanation. He could not but regard the act of the Government as unconstitutional. When replying to his question, perhaps the hon. Baronet would be good enough to state what steps were being taken by the Government to get back their money; and what was the nature of the security held for the amount.

SIR JOHN RAMSDEN said, he had no complaint to make of the course taken by the hon. Member for North Warwickshire

(1.) £251,238, Manufacturing Depart-in making this inquiry. It was quite true ments, &c.

SIR JOHN TRELAWNY rose to make some observations with regard to the position of sergeants in the army..

THE CHAIRMAN said, that these remarks, as referring to a subject not included in this Vote, would be irregular.

MR. SPOONER wished to ask the hon. Baronet the Under Secretary for War whether it was true that in 1855 the Government advanced a large sum of money to enable an American house to set up a manufactory of arms in America? If he (Mr. Spooner) was correctly informed, the Government in 1855 entered into a contract with Messrs. Fox and Henderson and an American house for a supply of arms for our soldiers; and in order to enable that American house to set up the manufactory or machinery advanced it a sum of £20,000 to begin with, and a further sum of £6,000 at a subsequent period a large portion of which money was now due to this country, both the American house and Messrs. Fox and Henderson having failed. He wished to know, before the particulars of the Vote were entered into, whether his information was correct; and, if it was, by what authority such an advance of the public money was made for the purpose of setting up a manufactory of arms in America? If such a transaction had taken place, he believed it was a totally unjustifiable one. In fact, he was at a loss to know what reason could be given for such an appropriation, or rather misappropriation, of

that an advance had been made by the Government to a manufacturing house in America; and he (Sir J. Ramsden) must commence his explanation by admitting, on the part of the Government, a rather larger amount of delinquency than that charged by that hon. Gentleman. He trusted, however, that when the Committee had heard the statement which he (Sir J. Ramsden) had to make, and which he would do as shortly as possible, they would take a more favourable view of the conduct of the Government in the transaction than that entertained by the hon. Member for North Warwickshire. It would be in the recollection of the Committee that when the war was at its height, there was a very large supply of small arms required-very much larger than it was possible for the home trade to supply, and it was found expedient to have recourse to the foreign market. In the first place, a contract was sent out to the home manufacturers; and when they were fully employed and the demand still unsatisfied, the Government had to have recourse to the foreign manufacturer. Contracts were entered into with houses in France and Belgium; but all they could do to meet the demand was insufficient, and still further arms were required. Messrs. Fox and Henderson were then engaged in various contracts for the Ordnance, and they suggested that they could procure 25,000 stand of arms from America, made on the best principles, and by machinery. They stated at the same time, that in order to enable the American house to set up the expensive machinery

necessary for that contract, an advance should be made. Under those circumstances considering the very great demand there was for arms, and how desirable it was to get a supply of an additional 25,000-the Government thought it advisable to make an advance, and accordingly an advance was made of, in the first instance, £21,875, which was one-fourth of the entire amount to be paid for the performance of the contract: 25,000 rifles were to be supplied at £3 10s. each. The whole contract was to amount to £87,000, so that the amount advanced was one-fourth. By the terms of the agreement, as the arms were delivered payments were to be made, on the principle of deducting one-fourth, which was to go in diminution of the advance of £21,875. Some months after the contract was entered into, the American house was in want of money, and was unable, without a further advance, to carry out the contract. It then became a question with the Government whether it should close the security at once, or advance more money in order to enable the contractors to carry out their contract. The matter was very carefully considered, and taking into account the urgent requirements of the public service, it was determined to advance more money, and even a larger sum than that stated by the hon. Member for North Warwickshire was advanced. In various amounts about £14,000 was advanced in addition to the original sum; so that the total sum advanced was £35,659. But he should beg of the Committee to bear in mind that during the time these further advances were being made the arms were being delivered, of very good quality, in very considerable quantities, and with great regularity. The manufacture of arms by the American firm went on throughout 1856; but when 10,000 stand had been delivered information was given to the Government that the American house could not continue the contract. At the end of the account 10,000 stand of arms had been delivered, and the balance of money due to the English Government from the American house was £24,185. Steps were immediately taken to close the contract, and to realize the security held by the Government. That was at the end of 1856, and those steps were still in progress; and the Government was informed that the value of the machinery and of the buildings, and of the land which was attached to the latter,

was very much larger than the amount of the debt due to our Treasury by the firm. Government was not yet informed whether that security had been realized, and it was impossible for him to say how much it would realize, for though it was of very great value, it was of such a peculiar character that the number of purchasers for such property was necessarily limited. But he had to inform the hon. Gentleman that, in addition to that security in America, which Messrs. Fox and Henderson had considered perfectly sufficient to justify them in advancing their own money to the American house, the Government had another security, which was one on the estate of Messrs. Fox and Henderson. It was only right he should state that, though Messrs. Fox and Henderson had met with pecuniary difficulties, there was no shadow of imputation on them in reference to the contract now under discussion. Their conduct throughout these transactions had been most honourable and straightforward. The hon. Member for North Warwickshire thought these advances a misappropriation of the public money. The hon. Gentleman seemed to be under the impression that the money so advanced was a portion of an amount voted for a particular tender; but that was a mistake. The Committee would find on a reference to the Estimates for the army and commissariat in 1855-6, a sum of £257,400 granted for the supply of small arms. Out of that money the advance was made, and he was of opinion that it was perfectly competent to the Government to so apply a portion of money not granted for any particular contract, but for a general supply of small arms. The advances were brought forward in the accounts in the usual manner, as hon. Members would find on reference to page 70 of a Return laid on the table of the late House, on the 26th of July, 1856. On that page was an entry "Sums advanced to Messrs. Fox and Henderson, £26,485 11s. 8d.," showing a regular account of the advances up to the date of the preparation of that Return. trusted that this explanation would be deemed satisfactory by the hon. Member for North Warwickshire and the Committee.

He

MR. SPOONER asked, was the security alluded to by the hon. Baronet as on the property of Messrs. Fox and Henderson, a specific security, or merely a charge on their estate, which would only give a right of proof against it?

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