bashel of wheat or maize in the farmer's barn, nor a sheep in his field, nor a hog in his yard, nor even a potatoe, turnip or cabbage, in his garden, but what he is liable to be robbed of every night he lies down in his bed, either by his own or his neighbours' servants.' Such are the results of the orders issued by Lord Castlereagh in 1809, and the engagement entered into by the governor to obey them in 1810. Would it not have been better to have built a house for the reception of these poor wretches, than a palace for Mr. Darcy Wentworth, the surgeon-general, and two other similar edifices for the two assistantsurgeons? Would it not have been better than the construction of temples around pumps, and all the fopperies and follies which have been recently erected? By another proceeding of Governor Macquarrie, it would seem he was not only determined to build a large hospital, but to fill it also with sick. Heretofore, all ardent spirits brought to the colony were purchased by the government, and served out at fixed prices, to the officers, civil and military, according to their ranks; hence arose a discreditable and gainful trade on the part of these officers, their wives and mistresses. The price of spirits at times was so high, that one and two guineas have been given for a single bottle. The thirst after ardent spirits became a mania among the settlers: all the writers on the state of the colony, and all who have resided there, and have given testimony concerning it, describe this rage and passion for drunkenness as prevailing in all classes, and as being the principal foundation of all the crimes committed there. This extravagant propensity to drunkenness was taken advantage of by the governor, to aid him in the building of the hospital. Mr. Wentworth, the surgeon, Messrs. Riley and Blaxwell, obtained permission to enter a certain quantity of spirits; they were to pay a duty of five or seven shillings a gallon on the quantity they introduced, which duty was to be set apart for the erection of the hospital. To vent any other spirits from being landed, a monopoly was given to these contractors. As soon as the agreement was signed, these gentlemen sent off to Rio Janeiro, the Mauritius, and the East Indies, for a large quantity of rum and arrack, which they could purchase at about the rate of 25. or 2s. 6d. per gallon, and disembarked it at Sydney. From there being but few houses that were before permitted to sell this poison, they abounded in every street; and such was the enormous consumption of spirits, that money was soon raised to build the hospital, which was finished in 1814. Mr. Marsden informs us, that in the small town of Paramatta, thirteen houses were licensed to deal in spirits, though he should think five at the atmost would ་ pre be amply sufficient for the accommodation of the public. The effect, then, of this wicked experiment, was, the destruction of hundreds of convicts. I am informed, field, and that the loss of life was prodithe burial-ground became like a ploughed gious. As usual, there is no account of the deaths, births and marriages, so no correct estimate can be formed of the injury the government sustained by the extent of the evil produced, or of the death of those poor deluded and ill-treated death of so many of its subjects. The wretches was perhaps a blessing to themselves. What is the lot of the survivors? misery, disease, want, prostitution, sufferI ask, what must be the sum of vice, ings of children, robberies and murders, that have resulted from this proceeding? And if it can be reckoned up, judge if I am erroneous in thinking the slaughter of part of the evil."-Pp. 75-79. so many of our fellow-creatures the least No provision seems to be made for the return of persons whose term of punishment has expired. Women have no means of returning home but by the prostitution of their persons to the officers or sailors of the vessel which carries them. (Pp. 96, 97.) The New South Wales colonies are in a state of unexampled immorality, their government is conducted on the most arbitrary principles, and the expenses of them are enormous 'and frightful. But for the details we must refer the reader to Mr. Bennet's Letter, for which, and for his parliamentary labours in relation to the same object, whatever the Lords Sidmouth and Castlereagh may think of them, his countrymen will award him the civic crown. ART. III.-An Eulogium on Sir Samuel Romilly, pronounced at the Royal Athenæum of Paris, on the 26th of December, 1818. By M. Benjamin Constant. Edited by Sir T. C. Morgan. 8vo. pp. 94. Colburn. 1819. NE fall of Sir Samuel Romilly T civilized world; which, painful as produced a general shock in the was the occasion of it, is a pleasing proof of the homage which men pay to virtue, and of the honours which, sooner or later, public opinion decrees to the advocates of humanity and freedom. Our neighbours, the French, manifested a lively sympathy with us on the sad event, as the work before us testifies. The Athenæum is a purely scientific and literary institution at Paris, but the members judged that they should not depart from their object in paying a token of respect to the memory of a distinguished philanthropist. Their determination was wise as well as generous, for such expressions of humane and disinterested feeling tend to repress national animosities, to check the ambition of governments, and to advance truth and virtue, which belong equally to every people, and are alike beneficial to all. A fitter man could not have been named as orator to the assembly than M. Benjamin Constant, who has been Jong distinguished by his talents, his eloquence, and his pursuit of the same noble objects as occupied the mind of the departed English senator. He was too, we believe, a personal friend of Sir Samuel Romilly. The Eulogium justifies the choice of the society it is a master-piece of its kind: it is distinguished by sound philosophy and ardent benevolence: it manifests an intrepid spirit of reform, but at the same time a virtuous detestation of violence: it is, in short, worthy of the man who has incurred the displeasure of the successive governments of France by his incorruptible principles and his undaunted courage, and who, by his impartial opposition to all tyranny, has earned the gratitude and confidence of his country. The eulogist dwells on those points of Sir Samuel Romilly's character which always attracted the admiration of wise and good men at home. In explaining these to his audience, he displays a thorough knowledge of the state of parties in England. Our politicians may see in the estimate formed of them by an enlightened and temperate foreigner, how they are likely to stand with posterity. With an exact pencil, M. Constant portrays the Semi-Whig ministry of 1806, of which Sir Samuel Romilly formed a part. "Charles Fox" is described, as he was, the wisest and the most benevolent and honest of statesmen; Lord Sidmouth as he is, -"the minister employed to execute the provisions of the Alien Bill." * M. Constant has been lately returned -to the Chamber of Deputies. Lord Castlereagh is designated as a solemuly-piedged Irish reformer, and Mr. Canning as a travelling orator. M. Constant states that the Suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act in England, has been always quoted during the last twenty-five years, in justification of arbitrary measures in France! He records with evident triumph, that Sir Samuel Romilly had in no instance to reproach himse.f with having given a vote for this abominable measure. It is distinctly stated by M. Constant, and apparently from authority, that the Whigs of England, as a party, have abandoned the object of Parliamentary Reform: Sir Samuel Romilly, however, remained faithful to the principle, amidst general desertion. There is a very interesting passage in the Eulogium on the subject of "the Dragonades" in the South of France, in 1815. The Editor also makes some strong remarks upon the same topic in the Preface. It appears that the Dissenting Ministers of London were truly informed of the course of events, and that the Duke of Wellington was imposed upon. M. Constant vindicates the steps which the Dissenting Ministers took, and pronounces an eloquent panegyric upon them. To them, seconded as they were in the House of Commons by Sir Samuel Romilly, he attributes the cessation of the persecution. We cannot better characterize the Eulogium than by saying, that it is precisely such a posthumous tribute of affection and respect as Sir Samuel Romilly would have looked forward to with eagerness and delight, if his disinterestedness, purity and simpli city of heart had allowed him to calculate on any other reward than the consciousness of doing his duty, and the satisfaction of upholding the moral character, the civil rights and the political liberty of his country sham truly says that England, rich as it is in talent, in eloquence, and in genuine patriotism, cannot supply a character fully adequate to fill up the lamented vacancy. That so excellent a public man should have fallen at such a time, and by such means, is one of the mysteries of Divine Providence, before which it becomes us to bow in silent submission. Mr. Belsham portrays, with his usual ability, and with that generous eloquence which is inspired by the mingled sentiment of admiration and grief, the character of the deceased; and though the colouring is high, it does not appear to us now that time has tempered the feelings excited by his loss, to be at all excessive; so rich in public virtue was the character described and lamented! The "Reflections" of the preacher are suited to the melancholy occasion. The concluding one is a caution against despondency, and here appears the author's cheerful piety. What good heart does not respond to these grand and swelling sentiments, which are, in reality, as honourable to the Sovereign Ruler as they are comforting to his short-lived creature man: "There is a progressive march in human affairs. Knowledge gradually advances: nor is it in the power of bigots, tyrants or But oppressors to arrest its progress. knowledge is power. And power is liberty. And knowledge and liberty generate And these combined together produce individual and national prosperity and happiness."—P. 18. virtue. 66 though the most highly gifted and eminent leaders of the honourable band of patriots and reformers of every description, in rapid and sad succession from age to age, fall victims to the inexorable law of mortality, the glorious cause which they support, the cause of truth and virtue, of liberty and happiness, remains immortal, and ever growing in the hands of a never-failing line of successors, inferior perhaps in talent, but equal in integrity and in zeal; and making up in numbers what is lost in ability."-P. 20. ART. V.-Some Thoughts on Christian Stoicism, an Antidote against the Evils of Life. A Sermon preached at Plymouth, Nov. 15, 1818, in consequence of the much-lamented Death of Sir Samuel Romilly. By Israel Com Worsley. 12mo. pp. 34. to the memory of public worth. Mr. Worsley has the same text [Isaiah ii. 22] as Mr. Belsham, and pursues nearly the same train of thought. He introduces his sermon with the favourite notion of the ancients, which he amplifies, "That no man should be called happy, until the last funeral rites have been performed over his grave." Having strongly, but not immoderately, painted the great national loss, he proceeds to recommend submission to an overruling, all-wise Providence, and to open sources of cousolation and hope. In the illustration of these sentiments, he has some wellconceived and striking passages: HIS is another valuable tribute 66- -whether our attention be directed to scenes of private or of public interest, if the wave of time which passed by us to-day has swept away some pleasing object which was within our reach, or some favourite delight we held in our arms, every scene of Providence is pregnant with mercy, and the wave which follows it, will throw into our possession some new, perhaps some nnexpected blessing."-P. 23. "It was well observed, when in a neighbouring state a distinguished general was slain,There is no want of generals in the lines.' And let us believe that under the able instructions of a few distinguished patriots whom we have seen or still possess, many have been educating to fill the ranks they have quitted, and will distinguish themselves by the illumination of their minds and the rectitude of their hearts." P. 26. In the concluding sentence, Mr. Worsley appears to allude to the awful manner of Sir Samuel's death. This is a delicate subject. Mr. Belsham altogether abstains from it. But must it not be ever lamented that a habit of religious dependance did not prevent the dreadful catastrophe? To Mr. Worsley's Sermon is added an appropriate Prayer. ART. VI.-The Trinitarian's Appeal Answered, in a Letter to the Rev. Samuel Newton, of Witham. By a Layman. 12mo. pp. 34. Youngman, Witham; Eaton, London. 1819. M R. NEWTON, a respectable Independent minister at Witham, in the county of Essex, has introduced the Unitarian controversy into that place, and we think that his friends will wish him well out of it. He is a timid, cautious and conscientious, and therefore inconsistent Trinitarian. The Layman has shewn him, that he is too undecided and modest to take up with success the cause of thoroughpaced orthodoxy. Yet even Mr. Newton does not scruple to throw out insinuations, and even to advance serious charges against the Unitarians; all which, however, his present autagonist has boldly met and completely refuted. The controversy will not, we trust, rest here: the effect of it will probably be, that the Essex Dissenters, who have been hitherto disposed to take the dicta of their ministers on trust, will inquire for themselves, and in that case they cannot do better than accept their brother Layman for a guide. ART. VII.-Religious Liberty and the Rights of Conscience and Private Judgment grossly violated, by an Anonymous Writer in the Gloucester Herald, assuming the name of "A Christian," with Replies to his Letters, and additional Remarks. By the Rev. Theophilus Browne, M. A., Minister of the Unitarian Chapel in that City. 12mo. pp. 62. Glou cester, printed: sold by Hunter and Eaton, London. 1819. HE occasion and introduction of This controversy are explained in our pages (18, 19) by a communication from Mr. Browne. Some further letters appeared in the Gloucester Herald, which are here col. lected and published, with a concluding one, which the Editor of that Journal declined to insert. Ou the side of the "Christian" there is much real, though perhaps honest, bigotry; he substitutes texts for arguments, and takes upon him to silence dispute by an affectation of piety. Mr. Browne, on the other side, is desirous of bringing every charge and every insinuation to the test of fact; he lays down, and reasons from great general principles, acknowledged by all Protestants; and he evinces throughout a laudable anxiety for the instruction of the poor, and the establishment of moral principles and feelings in their children. As cool lookers-on, we think, at the same time, that Mr. Browne displays a greater soreness of feeling than ought to have been excited by a weak anonymous attack, though it is difficult, we confess, for a reader at a distance to judge of the mischief produced by accusations thrown out in the dark. With great propriety and manliness, Mr. Browne renounces for the Unitarians all confidence in human names. They are, he says truly, (Pref. p. vii.) "no more followers of Dr. Priestley than of Socinus;" and "to them," he emphatically says, (p. 8,)" Socinus is no more than any other honest inquiring Christian:" yet there is a line in the Dedication of the tract to Mr. Belsham, distinguished too by large capitals, which is scarcely consistent with these sentiments. The Unitarians are not embodied into one church; nor do they recognize any Head," but Him after whom they are named; though they are agreed in acknowledging the talents, virtues and services of the gentleman to whom the compliment is addressed. A ART. VIII.—An Appeal to the Christian World, on the Evangelical Nature and Practical Effects of Unitarian Principles. A Discourse delivered at Poole, in Dorsetshire, on Wednesday, July 16th, 1817, before the Southern Unitarian Book Society. By A. Bennett. 12mo. pp. Si. Hunter and Eaton. 1817. FTER making some excellent observations on his text, Acts xv. 11, as exhibiting, with the context, the first instance of Christians attempting to exclude each other from salvation, on account of difference of opinion and worship, Mr. Bennett proceeds to shew, "That the Unitariau doctrine is evangelical in its nature, productive of the purest feelings of piety, and calculated to promote religious obedience, and to afford all the consolations of the Christian hope." He pursues the argument in a colloquial style, and the reader, if we may judge from our own experience, cannot fail of taking a lively interest in the whole discourse. The following passage is a satisfactory answer to an effusion of bigotry : “A Reviewer in the Evangelical Ma Do we not ex gazine for January, 1816, page 22, talks of, The glaring falsehood, horrible impiety, and dangerous tendency of the modern Unitarian system. What can this writer mean? What do we believe that is so ghastly? Do we indulge in a religious fancy, and form, in an unbridled imagination, things at which reason and common sense revolt? Are not our doc. trines founded upon the express letter of Scripture; upon passages which we think are clear from figure? press our doctrines in direct scriptural language? What if we say, that the Father is the only true God; that, To us there is but one God the Father, that Jesus of Nazareth was a man approved of God, was made of God both Lord and Christ, that the Mediator between God and men is the man Christ Jesus,-have not Christ and his apostles furnished us with this language? And is this to be charged with glaring falsehood and horrible impiety, and with having a dangerous tendency? Nay; are they not truths which all believe? Ah: says the opponent, but you don't believe other important articles of doctrine.' Well; but as Unitarians, what we do not believe can make no part of the Unitarian system. Now if what we do believe, as far as it goes, is truth, surely what we do not believe cannot make the truth we do hold impious and horrible. We advise, therefore, that every man take heed how he censures: many have been wrong. We would say, Refrain from condemnation let that alone, lest haply_ye be found to fight against God."-Pp. 24-26. ART. IX. On the Punishment of Death in the Case of Forgery; its Injustice and Impolicy Demonstrated. By Charles Bowdler, Esq. Second edition. 8vo. pp. 60. Hamilton. 2s. 1819. HIS is an enlarged edition of viewed in our last Volume, XIII. 645. The Author, Mr. Bowdler, has now put his name to it; we know of no name which it would not honour. Amongst the additions is the following note, relating to the parliamentary conduct of the bishops, which we copy the more readily as it comes from the pen of a Churchman :- "With all due respect, I submit to the consideration of those who are at the head of our ecclesiastical establishment, whether there can be any object more worthy of their regard than this. The Church of England is not merely protected by the State; she is united to it: and this ought to be a security to the people, that they shall not be ruled by laws which are in direct hostility to the word and will of God--both to the letter of his law, and the spirit of his gospel. It is impossible, I should hope, that any one of the bishops of this land, can hear of our periodical executions for forgery, without the keenest feelings of regret; yet these executions are all in virtue of enactments made by a legislature of which they form a part; and they acquiesce without the least expression of dissent, as they also do to the passing of an annual act for raising money by lotteries. That a similar abstinence from all interference in questions relating to the policy of the country internal or external, has not always been manifested, will be seen by a reference to the parlia mentary debates during any year, for instance in the year 1795. It appears that some of their Lordships took part in the debates of "January 27, On the Motion for Peace. "March 30, The State of the Nation. "April 28, Hair Powder Tax. "October 30, Address on the King's Speech. "November 11, Treason Bill. 16, High Price of Corn. "It will be seen, that on the 29th of November, 1810, on a motion, with reference to the Regency, two archbishops and nine bishops voted.-On the 4th January, 1811, on the Regency Bill, two archbishops and thirteen bishops. On the 25th December, on the same bill, two archbishops and nine bishops; and it may safely be affirmed, that there has scarcely ever been a division in the House of Lords on any great political question on which a portion of the bishops have not voted: but upon the criminal law, the management of our prisons, the raising of money by Sunday Newspapers, Lotteries, the abuse of ardent zeal. In reference, however, to the subject more immediately in hand, I am quite sure there is not a bishop upon the bench, who would venture to deny, that the Criminal Law of England exists, and is enforced in open defiance of the law of God and the gospel of Jesus Christ. The Church may be in danger: but the danger is from within, her foes are of her own household. A little exertion in the cause of God and truth, of injured justice and suffering humanity, would do more to conciliate the people of this country, than if our ecclesiastical superiors were to cover the land with churches. An ambassador of Christ is a minister of mercy." Pp. 56, 57. |
