that none but holy prophets and innocent persons were executed under the authority of the law,-armed with which, wicked magistrates adjudged whomsoever they pleased to be hereties. I fear that the same thing would happen among us also if once, by a single example, it were shewn to be lawful to put seducers to death, since we have hitherto seen among the Papists, by an abuse of this law, innocent blood shed instead of guilty. Wherefore, I can on no account admit that false teachers should be put to death. It is sufficient that they be restrained. Should posterity be inclined to abuse this mode of punishment, they will offend less grievously, and injure only themselves." The conduct of Luther towards those who differed from him in opinion, was, in general, in perfect accordance with the sentiments and temper displayed in these extracts. As far as appears, he never imbued his hands in the blood of any mart.r to conscience; but several occasions are recorded by the historians of his life, on which he evinced a spirit of Ego ad judicium sanguinis tardus sum, etiam ubi meritum abundat. Tum in bac causa terret me exempli sequela, quam in Papistis, ac Antichristis et in Judis videbimus: ubi cum statutum fuisset Pseudoprophetas et Judæos occidi, successu temporis factum est ut non nisi sancti Prophetæ et innocentes occiderentur, auctoritate ejus statuti, quo impii magistratus freti Pseudoprophetas et hæreticos fecerunt quosquos voluerunt. Idem sequuturum esse timeo et apud nostros, si semel uno exemplo licitum probari poterit seductores esse occidendos, cum adhuc apud Papistas videamus, bujns statuti abusu, innocentem sanguinem fundi pro nocente. Quare nullo modo possum admittere, falsos doctores occidi: satis est eos relegari: qua pœna si posteri abuti volent, mitius tamen peccabunt, et sibi tantum nocebunt." Bock, ubi supra, Vol. II. fol. 165. This learned historian, after citing the above passage, remarks: "Ipsum tamen Lutherum aliquando nimium iræ suæ indulsisse, cum persequeretur Carolostadium, non ego negarem. Plures, qui tolerantiam postularunt à pontificiis haud raro non tolerantes se exhibuerunt. Antitrinitarios vero limitibus esse circumscribendos, ne placita sua ultro disseminent, errorisque socios conducant, nemo negabit, qui peste facilè infici posse sanos, recordatur." the bitterest intolerance towards persons who dissented from his views on particular points of doctrine and church discipline. His treatment of Carolstadt, his associate in the work of reformation at Wittemberg, whom he persecuted in various ways, and at length caused to be banished from Saxony, may be mentioned as one instance. Another is furnished by his behaviour towards the Swiss Reformers who differed from him on the subject of the real presence, in the Sacranient. With these persons be would keep no terms—scarcely allowing them to be Christians. + Referring to them, in a passage of his Commentary on the Galatians, he exclaims-" accursed be that charity which is preserved at the expense of faith,-to which every thing ought to be sacrificed-charity, apostle, an angel from heaven."‡ Having thus stated the sentiments of Luther, his friend and associate Melancthon offers himself in the next place to notice. His opinions respect ing religious liberty, it will be seen, corresponded in every material respect with those of Luther. Like the latter, he considered the magistrate tual things. "Although," he writes, to be invested with authority in spiri "the magistrate does not judge, or change the opinions which lie concealed in the mind, he ought nevertheless to prohibit exterual offences, for the glory of God, aud to prevent centiousness and example. Where more persons being corrupted by lifore kings, princes, and magistrates, should in these days also overlook the churches, to take care that they the minds of men may be led to the be rightly instructed, in order that true invocation of God, and to the other duties of piety; to prohibit the worship of idols, and the teaching and confirming of erroneous opinious, • Mosheim's Eccles. Hist. Cent, xvi. Sect. iii Part ii, xxii., Parag. with Dr. Maclaine's Notes. Priestley's Church Hist. V. 256, 265. 285. Mosheim, Cent. xvi. Chap. ii. Sect. + Priestley's Church Hist. V. 283i. Parag. xxviii. "Maledicta sit caritas, quæ servatur dere debent-Caritas, Apostolus, Angelus cum jactura doctrinæ fidei, cui omnia ceè calo." Bock, ubi supra, fol. 155. repugnant to the gospel, by whatever class of men they may be propagated." Other passages might be cited to the same effect, wherein he allows the magistrate to be, in conjunction with the church, a judge in matters of faith, and asserts his autho rity to restrain men from acting upon their own independent judgment in respect to the worship of God, and promulgating opinions hostile to the established religion.t Melancthon, however, no where maintains the right of the magistrate to punish opinions with death. There is, nevertheless, a passage in his works which, if strictly interpreted, would go to prove that there were cases in which he deemed it justifiable to resort to this extremity. It occurs in a letter to Bullinger on the subject of Servetus's murder. "I have read," he states, your answer respecting Servetus's blasphemies, and I approve your piety and your judgments.. I consider the Senate at Geneva to have acted rightly in cutting off an obstinate man who would not refrain from his blasphemies. And I am surprised that there 46 "Etsi Magistratus non judicat nec mutat arcanas opiniones in mente, tamen externa delicta prohibere debet propter gloriam Dei, et ne plures corrumpantur licentia et exemplis. Quare Reges, Principes et Magistratus etiam hoc tempore inspiciant ecclesias, et curent eas rectè doceri, ut flectantur animi hominum ad veram Dei invocationem, et ad alia pietatis officia, et prohibeant coli idola, ac doceri et confirmari falsas opiniones pugnantes cum Evangelio, à quocunque genere hominum sparguntur."-Melancthon,Loci Communes, (Svo. Basil, 1558,) pp. 612, 613. "Omnes hi errores ex hoc uno fonte oriuntur, quòd putant homines sibi licere, fingere suo arbitrio opiniones de Deo, et cultus. Sicut et Aaron putabat, fingens cultum ad vituli simulacrum: et Jeroboam audacissimè abducens populum Israel à templo Dei ad sua sacrificia. Hic clamant sapientes:-Quid hæc res mali habet? Cur non concederetur augere honesta exercitia? Quid Ethnici, quid Aarou, quid Jeroboam, aliud volebant, nisi ut noticia Dei conservaretur, ut populus ad invocationem invitaretur, ut bonis exercitiis ad pia opera assuefieret? Hæ species, et hæ milavoλoyiai semper fefellerunt, fallunt, et fallent genus humanum." « Sed he speciosa rationes et πιθανολογίας abducunt homines à verbo Dei. Ideo hi ladi à Deo prohibiti sunt. Nam simili should be any persons who disapprove that severity." It is possible that Melancthon's opinion of this case might have been formed upon the gross calumnies and misrepresentations which the friends of Calvin, and Bullinger himself among others, industriously circulated respecting Servetus, in order to remove the odium which was so generally cast upon him as the instigator of the murder. This at least is the most charitable supposition. Bock, however, himself a Lutheran, and an admirer of Melancthon, scruples not to ascribe this expression of his approbation to a less honourable cause. "Melancthon," says he, "otherwise very far removed from all passion and violence, seems, agreeably to his courteous manner, to accommodate himself to the Helvetic churches."+ It is surely carrying courtesy a little too far when it leads those who pride themselves on their urbanity and politeness, to compliment other men upon their crimes. The sentiments expressed by Luther and Melancthon, in the passages which have been quoted, may be taken as the standard of the opinion of the German Reformers. This appears from a distinct treatise on the subject by Frederick Baldwin, in the form of a thesis, maintained in 1608 at the University of Wittemberg, in which he held the office of theological professor. It is intituled, "A Theological Disputation concerning Heretics, and the manner in which they ought to be punished." It is unnecessary here audacia fingunt hæretici suos errores, alii alios."-Loci Communes, ubi supra, fol. 660. "Legi quæ de Serveti blasphemiis respondistis, et pietatem ac judicia vestra probo. Judico etiam Senatum Genevensem rectè fecisse, quod hominem pertinacem, et non omissurum blasphemias, sustulit. Ac miratus sum, esse, qui seve. ritatem illam improbent.”—Melancthonis Consilia, P. ii. p. 204; Bock, ubi supra, II. 380. +"Melancthon, ab omni impetu et violentia aliàs remotissimus, Helveticis Cœtibus, pro more suo blandiloquo, se accommadâsse videtur."-Bock, ut supra, II. 380. "Disputatio Theologica de Hæreticis, et quo Modo sint coercendi. Publicè proposita in Academia Wittebergensi à Frede to follow the author in his long dissertation on the question-What con stitutes a heretic?-for his statements may after all be summed up in this one definition, that a heretic is a person who dissents from the authorized faith. He contends decidedly against the punishment of heretics with death, but maintains that they ought to be restrained and coerced. The duties of bishops and the ministers of the church, in respect to such persons, are, according to his opinion, rico Balduino, S. S. Theol. Doctore et Professore publico, Eccles. P. et S. &c. Witteberge, A. D. 1608," 4to. In entering on this part of his argument, the learned professor thought it right to apprize his auditors that he did not intend to espouse the cause of heretics in what he advanced, (Section clvi): "Protestamus nos nequaquam hæreticorum causam agere, neque erroribus aut malitiæ ipsorum patrocinari: sed detestamur eos, ut mancipia Satanæ, à quo captivi ducuntur, juxta ejus voluntatem." This chapter contains, however, some very liberal and excellent sentiments. He states (clxxxvi.) two reasons, urged by his opponents against his arguments, "(1) Fatetur Christus neminem venire ad se, nisi Pater traxerit eum, (Johan vi.). (2) Si qui hoc pacto coguntur, non tam at fidem, quàm ad solicitudinem fidei conctio fit, quod accidit credentibus hæriticis, et in errore stolidioribus, quos non tantum correptione, sed centum plagis, hoc est, pœnis ac incommodis compescendos esse ait." To these he replies (elxxxvii): "Ad primum dico: Frivola prorsus argumentandi ratio ab actione Dei intra bominem, ad externum violentiam hominum, Trabit Dens hominum animos verbo sno tanquam verriculo et reti, quo ex nolentibus facit volentes, ut tandem externo quoque opere internam voluntatis snæ conversionem ostendant: Magistratibus autem externa vi ferè nihil aliud efficere potest, quàm ut externis actibus se consentire simulent, animis plerumque semper repugnantibus." (clxxxviii) "Alterum quod objicitur, inane cavillum est; non enim hoc quæritur, num, qui segniores sunt in fide compescendi sint legitimis mediis, ut majorem fidei et salutis suæ curam habeant; sed num externa vi, præsertim capitali, qualis Inquisitoribus His panis familiaris est, cogendi sint, aut cogi possint: media longa meliora sunt, diligentior institutio; erroris, cui hactenus patrocinati fuerunt, denudatio; solida ejusdem refutatio, utilitatisque et certitu dinis doctrina divinitus inspirate demonstratio," &c. 1. to observe and watch them with diligence, to prevent their intrusion into the office of the ministry, to seduce the ignorant: 2. to admonish them': 3. if they continue pertinac ously to hold and promulgate their opinious, to shun them, and refram, as far as possible, from all intercourse with them. The duties of magistrates in eccle siastical matters, &c. he states to be, 1. to guard against the admission of unsound teachers into the church, by the establishment of confessions of faith, and of forms of public worship to be subscribed by them: 2. to inpose upon them an oath of fidelity: S. to depose ministers of vicious lives, and erroneous or impious sentiments: 4. to restrain the disseminators of false doctrines, lawfully convicted by the ecclesiastical authorities, and either to commit them to prison, that they may learn wisdom and cease to molest others, or to banish them to a distance, that, at least, the inhabitants of their territories may be safe from their poison. Though, however, banishment is the severest punishment be prescribes for those whom he describes as heretics, he is not disposed to be equally lenient towards persons whom he deems blasphemers of the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit. Of fenders of this class, he judges, may lawfully be put to death, as the Jews were accustomed to punish offenders tine Gentilis was treated at Berue, of the same designation, aud as ValenBut," he and Servetus at Geneva. adds, "with the exception of this case, let the pious magistrate abstain from the sword:-errors, and not men, are to be destroyed."* 66 (To be concluded in the next Number.) ccxxii. "Episcoporum seu minis trorum officium quò ad hæreticos, triplex est, juxta doctrinam Apostolicam. 1 Diligens inquisitio et observatio: hoc enim est cavere Pseudoprophetas, attendere ne forte in since um doctrinæ evangelicæ mins terium clanculùm sese insinuent dolusi operarii qui impietati doctrinæ seducant imperitiores" cexxiii. “2. Alterum officium est admonitio semel atque iterum repetita Non enim oportet verbi minis tros esse canes mutos, sed potentis ad redarguendum; ideoque D. Paulus vult non unam saltem, sed et alteram adhortationem ad hæreticos instituendam esse, (Tit. iii. 10) in qua et error ex Scriptura ostendimus, SIR, Birmingham, October 12, 1819. Tuains the following suggestion: HE last Monthly Magazine con "I beg leave, through the medium of your Magazine, to ask, if any of your correspondents can inform me if a monument, or any mark of public approbation, has been made for Robert Raikes, the well-known founder of Sunday Schools,-a name dear to the philanthropist; and I hesitate not to say, as my firm belief, that through him all the education that is now imparting in various ways to the poor, is chiefly to be attributed. In this country of extended benevolence, surely such a man's memory ought not to pass into oblivion; such a character deserves honourably to be recorded, I think, more than that of the greatest statesman, philosopher, or warrior. As an individual, I con errans debita severitate objurgandus, et ecclesiastica pœna tergiversanti interminenda est." CCXXV. 3. Tertium est executio: quod si enim ne sic quidem aliquid efficitur, sed is, qui hæreseos ex Scriptura convictus, pertinaciter eam tuetur, tunc ad populum deferendus est, hæresis publicè refutanda, et ut omnes ab ejusmodi bomine tanquam seductore et perturbatore sibi caveant, sedulò monendum. Hoc est hæreticum hominem post unam et alteram admonitionem παραι Taola, devitare, rejicere, et omne commercium ejus, quoad ejus fieri potest, fugere." ccxxviii. "Magistratus quatuor habet, quæ hoc in casu agat. 1. Curet ante omnia, ut ministerium ecclesiæ sit purum, ab omni suspicione hæreseos alienum. Quam in rem publicis edictis scriptis et confessionibus veram doctrinam comprehendere, et administris publicorum officiorum subscribendum proponere prodest." ccxxix. 2. Ne tam facilè insinuare possint falsi doctores ad ministros suos 66 in politicis et ecclesiasticis muneribus jura. mento religionis sibi devinciat." CCXXX. "3. Ministros ecclesiæ vel malè viventes, vel impiè docentes, officio deponat, aliosque et sinceritate doctrinæ, integritate vitæ commendatos, accedentibus totius ecclesiæ suffragiis, substituat." ccxxxi. 4. False doctrine disseminatores, ab ecclesiastico ministerio legitimè convictos, et tamen etiamnam vel voce, vel scripto alios seducentes, compescat, eosque vel carcere mulctet, ut et ipsi sapere discant, et aliis molesti esse desinant; vel ad suos procul abire jubeat, ut ad minimum sui territorii incolæ ab eorum veneno tuti esse, possint." -ceive, Sir, that I am in a most honour- I cannot well describe my feelings on the first glance of this paper; whoever the writer may be, I hope the hint will not be lost upon the public. One may envy the merit of the recommendation, and I sit down hastily (fearful of being forestalled) to atone for the self-reproach of not being the original instigator, by seconding the motion with fervent sincerity. No such public token that I know of exists. I have, within little more than the last month, seen to less than three public, out-of-door monuments to the destroyers of mankind, viz. Nelson, Hill and Rodney; these and similar ones obtrude themselves upon the eye of the traveller in every direction; when shall the better feeling be as publicly excited of admiration towards its real benefactors? Who can withhold his assent from the opinions so well expressed by the “Teacher," and who does not wish that his name would give an impulse to his object? If the introduction of Christianity and Printing, have marked the two most important epochs within their respective periods, that of the public patronage of instruction is fairly entitled to rank as the third stage of improvement in the human prospects of future amelioration and happiness. Raikes seized the fortunate moment; his zeal and perseverance proved the practicability of his theory; the national benevolence kindled at the shrine of his ardour; and without waiting for the cold calculations of bigotry, superstition, pride, or selfishness, erected a speedy, beauteous and permanent structure on an immoveable rock. No impulse was ever more universal; its progress was as rapid and uniform as its object was beneficient and godlike. Not a town, and scarcely a village in the nation, has neglected to honour itself by its efforts in the has caught the enthusiasm, and the cause; the whole continent of Europe expatriation of Lancaster has carried the sacred torch to illume the immeasurable wilds of America. Considering the Dissenters as somewhat more generally interested in the question than the members of the Established Church, (though Raikes himself was of the latter number,) I beg to submit this to their consideration through your liberal pages.-The Fellowship Societies, so numerously established and establishing, would furnish every facility for promoting the design; not by any appropriation of their funds, but from the circumstance of an organized association being already formed, combining, it is presumed, the zeal and intellect of the united body. It may be objected that these are not times to encourage an idle display of gratitude or munificence, that the patriotic calls upon the scantily-replenished purses of individuals are so numerous, that objects of real necessity ought to have a decided preference; and that two or three thousand pounds might be much better employed in the schools themselves, or in aid of the benevolence that would gladly contribute towards alleviating the sufferings of the poor. Admitting that these considerations should have their full weight, yet, still it must also be allowed, that every impulse that can be given to the public mind in favour of the grand principles of truth and virtue, should be cheerfully embraced; and neither would it be contended that this expression of the public sentiment would fail in its just and high expectations. With respect to the burden of the expense, if every adult in the kingdom, or every individual who has already been bene. fited by the institution of Sunday Schools, should contribute no more than one penny, a monument might be erected on the summit of Snowdon itself, not inferior to its own majestic and sublime altitude. JAMES LUCKCOCK. P.S. (Nov. 3.) Your Correspondent (Phantom) Brevis (p. 616) accuses me of twisting the sense of Mr. Russell's dispatch from Hydrabad, by making him admit that he felt pleasure in the massacre of the 500 Arabs. I merely said, "It does not appear that Mr. R. had any hand in this work of blood; but it gives him unmingled pleasure, without a particle of regret or commiseration:" and I still maintain that, in a communication of four or five lines, that the word pleasure should be so conspicuous, without an iota of palliative, is a sufficient presumption that he sat down with feelings of high exultation, untempered by the huma nity which the case so strongly called for. Brevis may use the words "a flicting circumstance-deplore the ne cessity," &c., but these are no part of Mr. R.'s expressions or feelings. What right have we, therefore, so to interpret them, and which of us two bas most exposed himself to the charge of "outrageous inference"? I appeal t candour and common sense if the fol lowing paraphrase be not strictly admissible: I am glad the Fort taken, though the event was attended with such an immense sacrifice. And will it not be allowed, on the military system, that Mr. R. would have been justified in farther saying, If I could, by a wish, restore the Fort and the Arabs to the state they were in the day previous to the attack, my attachment to the interests of my country would not permit me to do it? What then must be the turpitude of that system which could so far stifle the claims of humanity as to admit even silence in a case of such tremendous magnitude? See the wretched vie tims crowded, unarmed and unoffend ing, in an enclosure in the Fortress, aud the ferocious assassius driving at them with their bayonets--and calling themselves Christians! The sufferers were only Arabs.-An anony mous attestation to character cannot have much weight; but supposing Brevis to be acquainted with Mr. R., I will take him at his word, and be lieve his friend, in all the private relations of life, to be humane aud bene volent; but this only aids my general argument. It is the system which becomes answerable for the deformity of mind which it inculcates; and this must either be inherently vile, or our feelings of compassion and human kindness are all delusive, and con tradictory to the duties of our station. It has been affirmed of Frederic the Great (butcher), that after a battle, where thousands of human lives were sacrificed, he wept for the loss of his greyhound. Such perversion and obliquity of reason will warfare not merely allow, but attempt to vindicate. I do not say that Brevis is their apologist; but why overlook the intended drift of my statement, to dwell upon a pitiful and ungracious cavil J. LUCKCOCK. |