this Declaration of our principles, to overthrow the | invaders, no individual possesses that right in his most execrable system of slavery that has ever been own case. The unit cannot be of greater importance witnessed upon earth-to deliver our land from its than the aggregate. If one man may take life, to deadliest curse-to wipe out the foulest stain which obtain or defend his rights, the same license must rests upon our national escutcheon-and to secure necessarily be granted to communities, states, and to the colored population of the United States all nations. If he may use a dagger or a pistol, they the rights and privileges which belong to them as may employ cannon, bomb-shells, land and naval men, and as Americans-come what may to our forces. The means of self-preservation must be in persons, our interests, or our reputation-whether proportion to the magnitude of interests at stake, we live to witness the triumph of liberty, justice and the number of lives exposed to destruction. But and humanity, or perish untimely as martyrs in this if a rapacious and blood-thirsty soldiery, thronging great, benevolent, and holy cause. these shores from abroad, with intent to commit Done at Philadelphia, the sixth day of December, A.D. 1833. rapine and destroy life, may not be resisted by the III. DECLARATION OF SENTIMENTS people or magistracy, then ought no resistance to be offered to domestic troublers of the public peace, or of private security. No obligation can rest upon Americans to regard foreigners as more sacred in Adopted by the Peace Convention, held in Boston, their persons than themselves, or to give them a Assembled in Convention, from various sections of the American Union, for the promotion of peace are approvingly ordained of God, and that the powon earth, and good will among men, we, the under-ers that be in the United States, in Russia, in Tursigned, regard it as due to ourselves, to the cause key, are in accordance with His will, is not less which we love, to the country in which we live, and absurd than impious. It makes the impartial Author to the world, to publish a Declaration, expressive of human freedom and equality, unequal and tyranof the principles we cherish, the purposes we aim nical. It cannot be affirmed, that the powers that to accomplish, and the measures we shall adopt to be, in any nation, are actuated by the spirit, or carry forward the work of peaceful universal re- guided by the example of Christ, in the treatment of formation. enemies therefore, they cannot be agreeable to the will of God: and, therefore, their overthrow, by a spiritual regeneration of their subjects, is inevitable. We cannot acknowledge allegiance to any human government; neither can we oppose any such government, by a resort to physical force. We recognize but one King and Lawgiver, one Judge and Ruler of mankind. We are bound by the laws of a kingdom which is not of this world; the subjects of which are forbidden to fight; in which Mercy and Truth are met together, and Righteousness and Peace have kissed each other; which has no state lines, no national partitions, no geographical boundaries; in which there is no distinction of rank, or division of caste, or inequality of sex; the officers of which are Peace, its exactors Righteousness, its walls Salvation, and its gates Praise; and which is destined to break in pieces and consume all other kingdoms. We register our testimony, not only against all wars, whether offensive or defensive, but all preparations for war; against every naval ship, every arsenal, every fortification; against the militia system and a standing army; against all military chieftains and soldiers; against all monuments commemorative of victory over a foreign foe, all trophies won in battle, all celebrations in honor of military or naval exploits; against all appropriations for the defence of a nation by force and arms, on the part of any legislative body; against every edict of government, requiring of its subjects military service. Hence, we deem it unlawful to bear arms, or to hold a military office. As every human government is upheld by physical strength, and its laws are enforced virtually at the point of the bayonet, we cannot hold any office which imposes upon its incumbent the obligation to do right, on pain of imprisonment or death. We therefore voluntarily exclude ourselves from every legislative and judicial body, and repudiate all human politics, worldly honors, and stations of autho Our country is the world, our countrymen are all mankind. We love the land of our nativity, only as we love all other lands. The interests, rights, and liberties of American citizens are no more dear to us, than are those of the whole human race. Hence, we can allow no appeal to patriotism, to revenge any national insult or injury. The Prince of Peace, under whose stainless banner we rally, came not to destroy, but to save, even the worst of ene-rity. If we cannot occupy a seat in the legislature, mies. He has left us an example, that we should follow his steps. God commendeth his love toward us, in that while we were yet sinners, Christ died for us. We conceive that if a nation has no right to defend itself against foreign enemies, or to punish its or on the bench, neither can we elect others to act as our substitutes in any such capacity. It follows that we cannot sue any man at law, to compel him by force to restore any thing which he may have wrongfullly taken from us or others; but, if he has seized our coat, we shall surrender up our cloak, rather than subject him to punishment. swords shall be beaten into plough shares, and spears into pruning-hooks, and men shall not learn the art of war any more, it follows that all who manufacture, sell, or wield those deadly weapons, do thus array themselves against the peaceful dominion of the Son of God on earth. Having thus briefly, but frankly, stated our prin We believe that the penal code of the old covenant, An eye for an eye, and a tooth for a tooth, has been abrogated by Jesus Christ; and that, under the new covenant, the forgiveness, instead of the punishment of enemies, has been enjoined upon all disciples, in all cases whatsoever. To extort money from ene-ciples and purposes, we proceed to specify the meamies, or set them upon a pillory, or cast them into sures we propose to adopt, in carrying our object prison, or hang them upon a gallows, is obviously into effect. not to forgive, but to take retribution, Vengeance is mine I will repay, saith the Lord. The history of mankind is crowded with evidences, proving that physical coercion is not adapted to moral regeneration; that the sinful dispositions of man can be subdued only by love; that evil can be exterminated from the earth only by goodness; that it is not safe to rely upon an arm of flesh, upon man whose breath is in his nostrils, to preserve us from harm; that there is great security in being gentle, harmless, long-suffering, and abundant in mercy; that it is only the meek who shall inherit the earth, for the violent, who resort to the sword, shall perish with the sword. Hence, as a measure of sound policy, of safety to property, of life, and liberty, of public quietude and private enjoyment,-as well as on the ground of allegiance to Him who is King of kings, and Lord of lords,- -we cordially adopt the non-resistance principle; being confident that it provides for all possible consequences, will ensure all things needful to us, is armed with omnipotent power, and must ultimately triumph over every assailing force. We advocate no jacobinical doctrines. The spirit of jacobinism is the spirit of retaliation, violence and murder. It neither fears God, nor regards man. We would be filled with the spirit of Christ. If we abide by our principles, it is impossible for us to be disorderly, or plot treason, or participate in any evil work:-we shall submit to every ordinance of man, for the Lord's sake; obey all the requirements of government, except such as we deem contrary to the commands of the gospel; and in no wise resist the operation of law, except by meekly submitting to the penalty of disobedience. We expect to prevail through the foolishness of preaching-striving to commend ourselves unto every man's conscience, in the sight of God. From the press we shall promulgate our sentiments as widely as practicable. We shall endeavor to secure the co-operation of all persons, of whatever name or sect. The triumphant progress of the cause of Temperance and of Abolition in our land, through the instrumentality of benevolent and voluntary associations, encourages us to combine our own means and efforts for the promotion of a still greater cause. Hence we shall employ lecturers, circulate tracts and publications, form societies, and petition our state and national governments in relation to the subject of Universal Peace. It will be our leading object to devise ways and means for effecting a radical change in the views, feelings and practices of society, respecting the sinfulness of war, and the treatment of enemies. In entering upon the great work before us, we are not unmindful that, in its prosecution, we may be called to test our sincerity, even as in a fiery ordeal. It may subject us to insult, outrage, suffering, yea, even death itself. We anticipate no small amount of misconception, misrepresentation, calumny. Tumults may arise against us. The ungodly and violent, the proud and pharisaical, the ambitious and tyrannical, principalities and powers, and spiritual wickedness in high places, may combine to crush us. So they treated the Messiah, whose example we are humbly striving to imitate. If we suffer with him, we know that we shall reign with him. We shall not be afraid of their terror, neither be trou bled. Our confidence is in the Lord Almighty, not in man. Having withdrawn from human protection, But, while we shall adhere to the doctrine of non- what can sustain us but that faith which overcomes resistance and passive submission to enemies, we the world? We shall not think it strange concernpurpose, in a moral and spiritual sense, to speak and ing the fiery trial which is to try us, as though some act boldly in the cause of God; to assail inquity in strange thing had happened unto us; but rejoice, inhigh places and in low places; to apply our princi- asmuch as we are partakers of Christ's sufferings. ples to all existing, civil, political, legal, and eccle- Wherefore, we commit the keeping of our souls to siastical institutions; and to hasten the time, when | God, in well-doing, as unto a faithful Creator. For the kingdoms of this world will become the kingdoms every one that forsakes houses, or brethren, or sisters, of our Lord and of his Christ, and he shall reign | or father, or mother, or wife, or children, or lands, for Christ's sake, shall receive an hundred fold, and shall forever. It appears to us a self-evident truth, that, what-inherit everlasting life. ever the gospel is designed to destroy at any period of the world, being contrary to it, ought now to be abandoned. If, then, the time is predicted, when Firmly relying upon the certain and universal triumph of the sentiments contained in this Declaration, however formidable may be the opposition ar ABSENCE. BY FRANCES A. BUTLER. What shall I do with all the days and hours Shall love for thee lay on my soul the sin Of casting from me God's great gift of time; Shall I, these mists of memory locked within, Leave, and forget, life's purposes sublime? Oh! how, or by what means, may I contrive To bring the hour that brings thee back more near? How may I teach my drooping hope to live Until that blessed time, and thou art here? I'll tell thee for thy sake, I will lay hold I will this dreary blank of absence make To follow excellence, and to o'ertake A thousand graces which shall thus be thine; TO AN INFANT. BY WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. Fair bud of being! blossoming like the rose- Thou from its tender stem untimely break, An Angel shall the drooping victim take, And quick transplant it to a heavenly bower, Where it shall flourish in eternal Spring, Nurtured beneath the eye of a paternal KING. No. 13. TO M. W. BY JAMES RUSSELL LOWELL. L'Envoi, to a Volume of Poems. Whether my heart hath wiser grown or not, Young buds placked hastily by childish hands Less of that feeling, which the world calls love, 'T were joy enough,-if I could think that life Were but a barren struggle after joy, To live, and love, and never look beyond To string sweet sorrows for apologies The day has long gone by wherein 't was thought In gentleness, as strength's least doubtful proof; But, if the poet's duty be to tell His fellow-men their beauty and their strength, Our new Atlantis, like a morning-star, Hath gleamed upon the upraised face of Man Drew wondrous melodies from Memnon huge, And sunrise, and the yet unshaken dew Are, then, our woods, our mountains, and our Never can poets hope for higher one. streams, Needful to teach our poets how to sing? O, maiden rare, far other thoughts were ours, The moon looks down and ocean worships her, What cares the Russian serf or Southern slave, To preach and practice before all the world,- And, if they be but faithful to their trust, |