In this chapter our author explains minutely the several systems of popular education which have been adopted by the most civilized nations of Europe, and the modes which have been devised for carrying them into effect. Our time and our limits prevent us from dwelling on these interesting details at length. We can only record general results. It appears, then, that these various countries, without reference to their forms of government, whether despostic Austria, liberal Prussia, or democratic Switzerland, have equally arrived at the conclusion, that the education of the mass of the people was a matter of too much consequence to be left to chance, or to the uncertain efforts of private benevolence or popular feeling. In all these countries, more or less provision has been made by the State to secure to the people this inestimable advantage. In almost all, the territory has been parcelled out into more or less minute divisions for this purpose. In most of them, every commune, township or parish, is compelled to furnish sufficient school-accommodation for its population. In many, the parents are required by law to send their children to school from about 6 to 13, 14, and even 16 years of age. In almost all, the business of education is not conducted by any one who, for the sake of a maintenance, however unprepared, chooses to induct himself into that most important office, but by regularly-trained masters, who are obliged to produce certificates of character and of their fitness to discharge with propriety their serious duties. In almost all, in order that a sufficient number of such trained masters may be supplied, Normal or Training schools have been established by the Government, in which the future educator is carefully trained for the grave functions he will be called upon to exercise, being compelled to remain at his studies at least two years, and often three. Finally, in almost all, the efficiency of the schools, both Normal and Primary, is secured by a careful and minute system of inspection, provided by the State conjointly with the district authorities and local committees. These, surely, are great principles, the recognition of which places most of the continental nations far in advance of our own country on this vital question. It signifies nothing to assert, even if it were the fact, of which we see no evidence, that in several of these countries the Government is willing to direct the education of the people to its own purposes. The education actually given may be imperfect or even bad; but here is a system which surely may be made equally efficient for good as for evil. It depends upon the people themselves which it shall be. One thing we may fearlessly remark, that with whatever disposition a Government may set about the education of its subjects, it can hardly raise their general intelligence without rendering them unfit instruments for tyranny and oppression. But if any one will study the course of instruction usually pursued in the continental schools, we think he will scarcely see a foundation for such fears and suspicions. In fact, no Government ever existed which sought to promulgate the principles of despotism through the spread of knowledge. The following passage is interesting and important: "Knowing that it is hopeless to attempt to raise the character of the education of a country without first raising the CHARACTER AND POSITION of the schoolmaster, Switzerland has established, and at the present moment supports, thirteen Normal schools for the instruction of the schoolmasters and school mistresses, whilst England and Wales rest satisfied with six! Eleven of these schools are permanent, and are held during the whole of the year; the remaining two sit only for about three months yearly, for the purpose of examining monitors recommended by the masters of the Primary schools, and desirous of obtaining diplomas to enable them to act as schoolmasters. In the majority of these schools, the members of the different religious sects are received with a willingness and with a Christian charity which puts to shame our religious intolerance. Nor does this liberality proceed from any carelessness about the religious education of the people, for no master can obtain, from his canton's government, a diploma, to enable him to officiate as schoolmaster, without having first obtained from a clergyman of his own church a certificate of moral character and of competency to conduct the religious education in the school for which he is destined; but it proceeds rather from a recognition of this great truth, that the cause of religion must be deeply injured by neglecting the secular education of the people, and from a Christian resolution in all parties to concede somewhat, for the sake of insuring what must be the foundation of all social improvement, the advancement of the intelligence and morality of the people. M. Ganthey, a Presbyterian clergyman, and director of the Normal schools at Lausanne, M. Vehrli, director of the Normal school near Constance, the professors of the Normal school in Argovie, M. Schneider von Langnan, minister of public instruction in the canton of Berne, and M. Fellenberg, of Hofwyl, all assured me that they did not find the least inconvenience resulting from the instruction of different sects in the same schools. Those who differ in faith from the master of the school are allowed to absent themselves from the doctrinal lessons given in the school, and are required to attend one of their own clergy for the purpose of receiving from him their doctrinal instruction." P. 7. And also the following: "No teacher is allowed to undertake the charge of a school, until he has obtained from the council of his canton, whose duty it is to examine candidates, a diploma stating his capability of directing the education of a school. This diploma is only granted after a severe examination, which the candidate must pass before he can become a schoolmaster. Besides this, he must have obtained a certificate of character from the director of the Normal school in which he was educated, and in many cases another from a clergyman of his own sect, stating his capability of conducting the religious education of a school. This latter point is always strictly inquired into, either by the council of inspection, which examines the candidates, or by a clergyman of the sect of which the candidate is a member. The character and abilities of the teachers are not considered in Switzerland as matters of small concern, but, on the contrary, every precaution is taken to guard against the possibility of a man of low character or poor education obtaining such a post. Such a teacher, it is happily understood in the Swiss cantons, is much worse than none at all. The influence of such an one on the young is demoralizing in the extreme, and does infinite mischief by creating in the minds of the children associations connecting the name of school with unhappy thoughts, and thus often actually engendering a spirit of hostility, not only against education, but also against the holy precepts which were professedly taught at school."-P. 30. At page 30, the author speaks thus of the benefits of centralization in the business of education: "I consider the very backward state of education in some of these cantons, compared to the great progress it has made in others, as a satisfactory proof of the necessity of adopting a centralization system in preference to one leaving the direction of education to provincial governments. I know there are many in our own country who blindly cry out against centralization, not reflecting that the central government, as being the richest and most powerful VOL. II. 3 G body, can most easily collect sufficient statistics on the comparative merits of different systems, and on the comparative results of different ways of teaching and managing a school; and that it affords a much greater security to the country than the best provincial governments can do, that what is found to work best shall be speedily introduced throughout the country, and that education shall be universally spread, instead of being greatly developed in one part of the country, and altogether neglected in another." The following passage deserves attention from the bearing it has on the state of things in our own country: "In Hanover, as indeed throughout all the German kingdoms, the education of the people has made very satisfactory progress, despite all the difficulties arising from religious difference. In fact, it is always easy enough to overcome these difficulties wherever the higher classes are really interested in the people's progress. But in England that interest does not exist; and so we procrastinate and hesitate, till one day, not far distant, the people will, after the turmoil of a revolution, create an educational system for themselves." P. 139. We are constrained to pass to the Third Chapter, which treats of the "Present State of Primary Education in England and Wales," which, however, we cannot dwell upon. Nor, indeed, is it very necessary. Too much has recently been said and written-too many painful facts have, during the last few years, been forced on the public attention, to leave any intelligent inquirer in doubt as to the lamentable deficiency of means for educating the great mass of the people in this country, a country which calls itself, and, materially considered, is, the first and most civilized in the world. Indeed, the strenuous efforts which in some quarters have been made, and are daily making, to repair this deficiency, are in themselves an avowal how much we have heretofore neglected our duty. We shall dismiss, then, this part of the subject with referring to a Table, which our author has appended to this chapter, "shewing the proportion of Scholars in Elementary Schools in different European Countries;" by which it appears, that whilst in several of these countries the proportion of scholars is as 1 in every 6, 5, and even 4 inhabitants; in Austria, 1 in 9; in France, 1 in 10; in England, it is only 1 in 11 of the whole population. Even with this proportion we must not forget how miserably imperfect many, not to say the greater number, of these schools are. Chapter the Fourth is entitled, "The Way in which the Difficulties opposing the Establishment of a great Scheme of National Education may be overcome." This the author truly feels to be the most difficult part of his work. This, too, is the part which it would be the most interesting to examine in detail. But as it involves matters of opinion, more than matters of fact, every question raised would almost necessarily lead to long discussion, which we have not leisure to enter upon at present. The writer expresses the object he has in view in the following passage: "I feel that I shall lay myself open to the charge of presumption in venturing on a subject which has never yet been solved, but still I shall offer my opinion, hoping that if it indeed be worth little, yet that it may provoke discussion on a point so deeply important to the best interests of the commonwealth. And truly difficult as the solution of the question, What shall we do?' undoubtedly is, it would be the extreme of folly to imagine that there is no solution of it but a revolution; and that what Germany, Holland, Aus tria and Prussia have accomplished in times of social tranquillity, cannot be undertaken here, until, as in France and Switzerland, a social earthquake has levelled the obstructions to the settlement of this question. Still, though I do believe that we want in England nothing but the will, and though I am convinced that it would be easy to carry out this great work of social reformation, did that will exist, I freely confess that I see no prospect of its being done until the people accomplish it for themselves; as I see it opposed by the bigotted sectarianism of one party, by the ignorant hostility of a second, by the blind indifference of a third, and by the timidity of even its real friends. So that whilst I write, it is with the merest glimmerings of hope that a discussion may be raised, which may perchance embolden the timid and arouse the indifferent, though the voice of an angel would plead in vain to our unchristian sectarianism."-P. 323. We strongly recommend the whole of what follows to our readers. They may differ they probably will differ-from the author on several of the plans which he has suggested; but we think that the thoughtful and the candid cannot peruse the chapter without conceiving a deep respect for the writer's liberality and Christian charity; nor without finding in it valuable hints which may be worked out by their own minds, and assist them in solving the very difficult and very important question at issue. We can only notice two or three points. He deprecates the idea that he wishes for undue interference on the part of the State. "Let it not be thought in what I am going to propose, that I am at all desirous of superseding local efforts, or of taking the direction of the parochial schools out of the hand of local authorities; far otherwise; I only wish to see the local efforts aided, where without aid they are confessedly deficient, and a security given to the country that some one shall provide for the wants of those localities which cannot do any thing for themselves. Nor do I wish to interfere with the educational societies further than we do now, i. e. by assisting them in every possible manner; by assisting the diocesan boards to realize their present desire to establish Normal schools; and by assisting the Church and the Dissenters to educate efficient masters and mistresses for their schools, and to provide an efficient system of inspection for them all. I would have Government give every possible guarantee to the different religious bodies, that it would not attempt in any way to undermine the influence which they legitimately claim to exercise over the education of the people, whilst at the same time Government should require sufficient guarantees that the secular education of the people should be properly attended to."-Pp. 324, 325. In the following pages he equally, and very justly, deprecates undue suspicion on the part of the people towards the State. Whilst this continues in the degree to which it exists at present, he thinks that all efforts must be materially crippled. He then refers to what it will be necessary to do in order to secure for the people an efficient system of education. First, he says, we require two-thirds as many schools as we at present possess. Secondly, we require a large annual provision for the payment of schoolmasters. Thirdly, we require a much larger number of Normal schools. Fourthly, we require a large sum for providing an efficient body of inspectors. How are the funds for all these expensive objects to be raised and maintained? He evidently is of opinion that private benevolence and voluntary subscriptions are not to be relied upon for so large a work. We quite agree with him. Voluntary efforts will, we know, accomplish prodigious results in times of great excitement, or when large principles are at stake; but can we sufficiently trust to them for the efficient working of expensive establishments under ordinary and every-day circumstances? We think not. Very recently, immense exertions have been made to raise funds for the building of new schools, and much has been undoubtedly done; but how inadequate have been the proceeds compared with the demands! This conviction, we have reason to believe, we think on good authority, is forcing itself on the minds of reflecting individuals amongst parties the most opposed to State-assistance, and the most jealous of State-interference. But, if private benevolence were adequate to its objects, is there not some injustice in thus taxing the liberality of individuals for the advantage of the public? We think there is. Whence, then, are the funds to be drawn? We see, we confess, no other way of raising them, but by general taxation or by parochial assessment. We certainly, on several grounds, think the latter far preferable. We think it would tend greatly to allay jealousy and suspicion to leave a considerable control over the administration of its funds to the district which raises them. The author's plan is contained in the following passages: "In each parish, all tenants of houses whose rent amounts to at least £10 per annum, might be made liable to a certain rate, to be apportioned according to the wants of the parish and the number of the householders who were liable to the rate. Each of these householders might have a vote in the election of a Committee of 8 or 10 members for the administration of the educational expenditure of the parish. Of this Committee the clergy and the Dissenting ministers ought of course to be, as in all European countries, the ex-officio members. "Before this Committee, when elected, the inspector for the district should lay an account of the exact state of education in the parish, shewing the quantity of school-room required for the population, where the required school or schools should be situated, so as best to suit the convenience of the poor of the parish, and also how many houses for teachers should be provided. The Committee might then deliberate whether it would supply the wants of the parish by joint schools for the different religious sects or by separate schools for each sect, and whether it would at once provide for all the schools required, or by the imposition of separate rates in separate years. At these deliberations the clergy, the Dissenting ministers, and the inspectors, would of course assist, the latter by affording all necessary information as to the exact wants of the district. "I am firmly of opinion that were the Government to leave it to the option of the several parishes, whether they would support separate or joint schools, that there would be little difficulty. Wherever any one party was decidedly too small to establish a school for itself, it would concur in the arrangement for a joint school. It is when Government endeavours itself to decide upon it, that all parties are alarmed and begin to suspect ulterior designs, and to fear the effects of a scheme over which they have had no control. All that Government should do, is to oblige each parish, as far as it is able, to supply itself with sufficient school-room, and to leave to its own decision the manner in which this should be done. I am confirmed in my opinion that joint schools would not be objected to, if the establishing of them were left to the inhabitants of the different parishes, by the experience I have had in the North, where I have found schools expressly intended for the Church, filled |