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Let him not be scared from his holy desire to secure for the masses of our people the blessings of education by the fanatic cry of "a mighty system of godless education P

We ask the Dissenters of England to read and ponder on the following passage of the distinguished Churchman whose pamphlet we are reviewing:

"It is undoubtedly true, that Dissenters will enjoy equal liberty; that their privileges will be the same; but this is precisely what I ask the clergy to surrender,-jealousy of Dissenters. Let us put all thought of Dissenters out of the question; whether they take the lead or follow the lead, is only a question in which the pride of the Establishment is concerned; let us pass it by, and simply seek to ascertain whether or not we can educate the children whose parents will accept a Church education at our hands, as well under the system I propose as we can do under the circumstances in which we are now placed? I have no fear as to the answer unprejudiced minds must give to the question. We shall obtain a great boon for our country, without any spiritual loss to ourselves. I believe that Dissenters will return a similar answer to the same question if they will consider it fairly; and so both parties will remain precisely in the same relative position as that which they at present occupy. And here I am free to admit, that if it can be shewn that any undue advantage is given to the Church over Dissent by my present proposal, this will be, so far, a valid objection to it. It would be absurd, as well as undesirable, to attempt any retrograde movement, and to place Dissenters, in the cause of education, at a disadvantage. I only ask for a fair field, where, in educating the people, we may display, not opposition, but a generous rivalry, as is the case, for the most part, at the present time. We cannot unite with Dissenters, because we cannot unite without a compromise of religious principle on either side; such I do not expect from them, and such they have no right to expect from us. But as for political privileges, these we would readily concede to them for the good of our country; nor would we allow any establishmentarian pride to offer an impediment in the way of public improvement."-Pp. 58, 59.

Will the Nonconformists of England consent to yield the palm in zeal for education and in the willingness to make sacrifices, not of principle, but of prejudices, in order to obtain it, to the Church of England? We hope not; yet is our hope not altogether unmingled with anxiety.

From the Unitarians of England we confidently anticipate, notwithstanding the expressed aversion of some to a State education, a candid reception of any plan, not inconsistent with religious liberty, which the Government, supported and encouraged by public opinion, may see fit to propose. Let our Unitarian friends remember the present anomalous and undesirable state of things, the aid of the State to the education of the country being now chiefly divided by two Societies, the National Society, which is upon principle exclusive, but whose practice is sometimes more liberal than its profession, (see Dr. Hook, pp. 55, 56,) and by the British and Foreign School Society, which, though liberal and catholic in its constitution, is administered by men of narrow views, who think it not inconsistent with honour and Christian fairness surreptitiously to introduce into the working of their institution orthodox doctrine and exclusive practice. It is fit and right that the State, which is for all, should be divorced from alliances of this kind.

We hear with no little gratification that amongst the large body of Congregational Dissenters, a great change of opinion is going on on the subject of education and its relations to the State. Relieved from the fear of any Government measure of education, now likely to be proposed, being tainted with intolerance, many of the wisest and most honoured men amongst them admit the utter inefficacy of existing sectarian institutions of education, and are prepared not only not to oppose, but actively to uphold, any liberal and truly catholic system of education by the State.

P.S. While correcting the proof of this sheet, we have had our attention called to an admirable letter addressed by Rev. C. Wicksteed to Dr. Hook, in the Leeds Mercury, of July 25, on his imaginary difficulty of the Unitarian

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Letters on Puritanism and Nonconformity. By Sir John Bickerton Williams, Knt., LL.D., F.S.A. The Second Series. Pp. 271. London-Jackson and Walford.

1846.

WE have read these Letters with considerable interest. They are almost entirely devoted to the illustration of those peculiarities and excellencies in the characters of our Puritan and Nonconformist fathers which are as dear to us Unitarians as they are to our Congregational brethren. Additional interest is given to many passages by the use which Sir J. B. Williams has made of diaries and other manuscript works in his possession, illustrative of the Puritans and their Nonconformist sons. As a specimen of the style of the work, we give a passage or two from the 12th Letter, which speaks of the places consecrated by Puritan associations.

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"Besides often wandering among those tombs, you will, as your acquaintance with Nonconforming worthies increases, search out the scenes of their earthly abode, visiting them as the poet Pollok did Lockgoin, the haunt of the CoveYou will cease to wonder that the Rev. C. Buck, when at Banbury, should have had the curiosity, mentioned in his life by Dr. Styles, to visit the village of Hanwell, because the residence first of John Dod, and afterwards of Dr. Robert Harris. Or how it is that an ascent of our neighbouring hill, the Wrekin, so reminds us of the illustrious Baxter; or that some feel special delight in Bunhill Fields; or Red-Cross Street Library; or at Broad Oak, the residence of Philip Henry; or in the quarry walk at Shrewsbury, where Dr. Doddridge took daily exercise while on a visit to Job Orton; or when standing in Baxter's pulpit at Kidderminster, or Matthew Henry's at Chester." Pp. 111, 113.

Sir John Williams might have greatly enriched several of his letters by reference to Mr. Hunter's Life of Oliver Heywood, the most perfect specimen we have of Nonconformist Biography.

1. Christmas Roses, and other Tales. Chiefly translated from the German. London-Cundall. 1845.

2. Village Tales from the Black Forest. By Berthold Auerbach. Translated from the German, by Meta Taylor. Pp. 179. London-Cundall. 1846.

THESE are two delightful volumes, transplanted from Germany by two very accomplished ladies, both of whom possess the rare art of giving to their translations the charm and ease of original composition. The first is suited for young children; the second, for those of a larger growth. To adopt the language of the translator of "Christmas Roses," we may congratulate both ladies on having succeeded in promoting the pleasure of more than one "dear little fire-side circle," and with having aided the planting and cultivation of kind affections, truth, uprightness and piety. Such is the tendency of both these volumes.

"Whatever thing doth bring a joy unstained
Unto the soul, if rightly understood,

Is one more ingot to our fortune gained,—
Is wisdom to the wise, good to the good."

The "Village Tales" of Auerbach are very interesting, from the frequent introduction of national and local customs, and from the entire absence of the trite conventionalisms which characterize most stories for the young.

Scripture History, designed for the Use of Young Persons, &c. By Catherine Irene Finch. Pp. 436. London-Simpkin, Marshall and Co.

THIS work will be valued by parents and teachers desirous of instructing their children and pupils in sacred history. It gives a full and connected history of the Israelites from the time of Abraham to that of Solomon. We congratulate Miss Finch on the successful way in which she has executed her design, and trust she will be encouraged to present the public with a second volume in completion of the Old-Testament history.

AMERICA.

INTELLIGENCE.

The anniversary meetings held at Boston appear to have been spirited and successful. We subjoin one or two brief reports.

The Unitarian Association held its principal meeting in the chapel of Dr. Gannett, Hon. Samuel Hoar presiding. The Secretary read his annual report, and Mr. Clark presented the following resolutions:

"Resolved, That Unitarians are, by the providence of God, in a position which qualifies them to conduct missionary operations to great advantage; inasmuch as they can go out untrammelled by creeds, and may dwell exclusively on those positive, practical and fundamental truths which will create a new heart and awaken a new life in the human soul.

"Resolved, That in our future action as a denomination, it is desirable to adhere to the principles of Christian Freedom and Progress, embraced and advocated by revered and leading Unitarians in past times.

"Resolved, That it is the duty of Unitarians to feel and manifest an earnest interest in all the social reforms and philanthropic movements which promise to advance the interests of humanity.

"Resolved, That in the present situation of our country, as regards its foreign relations, Unitarians are bound, in common with all disciples of Christ, to plead for Peace with renewed earnestness; and we call upon our brethren of all Christian denominations to lift up a united remonstrance against that spirit and those measures which may tend to renew or perpetuate the horrors and sins of war.

"Resolved, That we congratulate all our friends upon the success which has thus far attended the Meadville Theological School; and while we rejoice to witness the cordiality and confidence shewn toward this institution by the Christian denomination, we assure this excellent body of our sincere desire that this institution may be the means, under Providence, of strengthening their hands and making them yet more useful in the service of our common Lord and Master.

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try of the works of standard Unitarian writers.

"Resolved, That the increasing spread of liberal views among our brethren in Canada and Great Britain confirms our belief in the ultimate success, and our sense of the saving power, of Unitarian Christianity.

"Resolved, That we remember with gratitude the labours of those great and good men of our denomination in this country and Great Britain, who have during the past year gone from among us into the spiritual world; especially recalling at this time, with solemn joy, the Christian character and exalted worth of Ware, Aspland, and our late President, Story."

George G. Channing, and Rev. J. H. Holland, of Rochester, New York, then spoke upon the missionary efforts of the Society, and Mr. J. A. Andrew followed. The audience was then addressed by W. H. Channing, in a speech of some length. He acknowledged himself a transcendentalist, and rated the Unitarians soundly for the want of that liberality which they professed towards others. He also complained of their views in relation to liberty and slavery, and asserted that there were many who were now loud in praises of the late Rev. William E. Channing, who, during his life-time, had looked with coldness upon his efforts in behalf of the cause of liberty, and had acknowledged themselves ashamed to belong to a church whose pastor was so bigoted on that subject.

After Mr. Channing closed his remarks, George S. Hillard addressed the meeting, in one of the most powerful and eloquent speeches which it has ever been our lot to hear. His remarks were of a truly Christian character. He spoke of the want of the true Christian spirit in our legislators and public men, which had been shewn in our negociations with England on the Oregon question. The quarrel with Mexico was another instance of this lack of Christian spirit. Mr. Hillard asserted, as a lawyer, that we had neither right nor international law on our side. Our public men in Congress dare not give utterance to the Christian spirit. They vote away in a minute millions of money for the prosecution of an unjust war, whilst a bill for the advancement of learning languishes for

years, until its friends become sick of hope deferred. And these appropriations are made, and fleets and armies equipped, without one daring to lift his voice in opposition to a war which they know to be unjust, for fear of his political prospects being destroyed by public opinion. We shall not attempt to follow Mr. Hillard in his remarks, which were listened to with intense interest by the audience, and in the course of which many bursts of applause involuntarily came from his hearers.

The Rev. Mr. Gannett said that, as the hour was late, he would forego making any remarks. He might say a great deal in answer to Mr. Channing, but he thought that after the impressive remarks which had just been uttered, it were better for the audience to disperse.

The meeting was accordingly closed with a doxology and benediction.

The Conference of Unitarian Clergy men was held in the chapel of the Church of the Saviour, and the following resolutions, presented by the Rev. Theodore Parker, were discussed and adopted:

"Whereas the sin of Slavery has long existed and continually increased in the midst of us, and at this time has brought upon our land the evil and the terrible sin of war:-Therefore Resolved,

"1. That we, the members of this Christian conference, abhor the institution of slavery as it is now established in our land, and supported by the government of these United States with the treasure and the persons of the North no less than of the South; that we count it alike unchristian and

at war with the noble nature of man and the commandments of God, and that we mourn over the silence of our legislatures and the deadness of our churches in respect to this alarming sin.

"2. Resolved, That we lament the chastisement of a disgraceful and infamous war, which our coldness, deadness and sin have drawn upon us; that we of this conference, as Christian ministers, and in the presence of Almighty God, do solemnly pledge ourselves to use what ability we possess, to rebuke and abolish the unchristian spirit which has so long continued, deepened and extended this national sin, and brought this chastisement upon us; and that we will labour manfully to promote and spread abroad among the people the spirit of true practical

Christianity, which is the spirit of freedom, as opposed to all bondage, the spirit of peace and brotherhood, as hostile to all war."

The above resolutions called forth a brief but animated discussion, indicating that there was but one feeling among those present upon the subjects to which they relate. It is not usual with this body, as such, to pass resolutions, or to vote upon any subject reflecting upon the community around them; their purpose is rather to meet for intellectual improvement, and quicken each other's minds and hearts in the work of the Christian ministry. But the present crisis in national and domestic affairs, together with the general apathy that seems to prevail in the community upon the responsibility which the government has assumed, and in which it is endeavouring to involve the whole country, seemed to demand a more public expression of feeling and opinion, such as is embodied in these resolutions. Their passage was not unanimous; some, perhaps, disliking to depart from the usual customs of the body; but a large proportion of those present voted for them, and all sympathized with the spirit they manifest.

laymen of Boston was held in the large The Collation given by the Unitarian room over the Maine railroad depôt, a most spacious and beautiful place for the occasion. There were eight tables, 1200 persons, which were well supplied which seated, it is computed, about with excellent food for the collation. Mr. Quincy, late President of Harvard University, presided on the occasion. Two original and appropriate hymns were sung, several addresses made, and at six o'clock the interesting exercise closed, the audience separating much gratified with what they had enjoyed.

Dr. Dewey.It is with very great regret we report that this eloquent divine is compelled by ill health to withdraw from a considerable portion of his important public duties.

SCOTLAND.

The Edinburgh Election.

There is one place, and one place only, in the kingdom where the return of a member of the new Cabinet has been the subject of contest, and that place is Edinburgh. This contest may interest our readers, because it proceeds on a religious scruple on the

subject of Maynooth. On this point, and on this point alone, has Sir Culling Eardley Smith entered the lists with Mr. Macaulay. He has been unsuccessful, and in our opinion he did not deserve success. He is, according to his own account, a voluntary, a reformer, and a friend to freedom and good government: but his voluntary church principles are in abeyance; for he is not disposed for the present to take any active steps for the abrogation of any of the existing established institutions. His competitor has again and again assured him that he would quit his office rather than endow the Catholic Church, and as he himself (Sir Culling, we mean) does not propose to rescind the grant to Maynooth, we see no reason why one professing so much attachment to all the other principles of his opponent, should have manifested that attachment by attempt ing to disturb his election, and by threatening him with a future contest. All the world knows that ever since the well-known events of the 17th century, there has existed among the Scotch a horror against Popery, amounting often to absolute bigotry and uncharitableness. Since the days of Lord George Gordon, when lawless acts were committed every where, and when a Catholic chapel was destroyed in the capital of Scotland, the intensity of this anti-popery alarm has been gradually allayed by time, and by the soothing influences of refinement and of education which exist so abundantly in that city. That in such a city the Maynooth vote and speech of Mr. Macaulay should have excited a certain amount of disapprobation, is intelligible enough. But that any party should have carried their disapprobation so far as to make this question their single ground of opposition to so able and distinguished a representative of the intellect and the literature of that city, is what we should not have imagined or predicted. Such, however, is the fact, and we heartily rejoice that the champion whom England has had the credit of furnishing as the representative of these narrow-minded alarmists has been signally defeated by the intelligence and good sense of the electors.

The chief cause of our rejoicing is the present state of Ireland. Ireland has been treated as conquered countries usually are. Its ecclesiastical revenues are appropriated to the support of a religion which a large majority of its

inhabitants disclaims and repudiates. Favour to the minority has been the rule, justice to the majority the exception, in governing that division of the kingdom. This method of governing must be reversed; and a professed voluntary and liberal who is unwilling, at the present time, to deal boldly with the monstrous sinecurism of the Protestant Irish Establishment, who has still more horror at the bare thought of any direct patronage being extended to Roman Catholics, even for educational purposes,-who, in one word, will take no steps to destroy any part of that unjust inequality in the treatment of Protestant and Catholic which at present threatens dismemberment of the empire,-and who will neither remove that inequality by elevating the Catholic, nor by depriving the Protestant of invidious advantages which he ought never to have possessed, and which make the very name of Protestantism the odious watchword of a secular and earth-born party,-such a voluntary and such a liberal is one upon whose defeat we must congratulate Edinburgh, and Ireland, and the whole British nation. If, as Mr. Macaulay justly said, he and Mr. Sheil had both been rejected, -the one by Edinburgh because he was the type of a conciliatory policy towards Ireland, the other by Dungarvan because he had resisted repeal of the Union, the new Minister might have been obliged to confess, like his predecessor, that Ireland was his difficulty. If Lord John Russell do not now set himself in right earnest to the task of removing from the Roman Catholic the sense of oppression, and from the Protestant the stain and the crime of oppressiveness, it will not be the fault of the electors of Dungarvan or of those of Edinburgh. They have said in language not to be mistaken,the former, that the song of Repeal, and the latter that the song of NoPopery, shall not be raised to interrupt the good work of justice and of fair-dealing in that greatly misgoverned country.

The accounts of this election are not a little curious in reference to the conduct of the various religious denominations at Edinburgh. The Free Church seems to have been divided: a number of its best-educated members, such as advocates and other gentlemen of the law, some of whom did, and others did not, approve of the Maynooth grant, agreed in regarding it as a very insufficient reason for re

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